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160 Assimilation of separated consonants: Italo-Kelt. p…&#8203;q$u̯$ > q$u̯$…&#8203;q$u̯$ § 86 ii (2).—Kelt. b…&#8203;m > m…&#8203;m in *momi̯at- > W. myned § 100 iv.

(1) Dissimilation of joined consonants: (a) Ar. tt > tˢt § 87 ii.—(b) When two continuants come together there is often a tendency to alter one of them either to an explosive or to a semi-vowel: thus in Brit. ml- > bl‑, mr- > br- § 99 ii (1); in W. nẟ > nd as in bendith ‘blessing’, sẟ > sd, lẟ > ld > lld, llẟ > lld § 111 vii (2); ẟl > dl as in bodlon, ẟr > dr as in cadr § 111 vii (1); mχ > mc as in amcan § 156 i (4); nṽ > nw̯ as in O. W. anu § 99 iv (1), rv > rw̯ as in syberw̯ § 105 ii, fl > wl § 104 v. In many cases the spirant disappeared: fn > n § 110 iii (4), ẟn > n § 104 iv (1).—(c) In W. mni̯ > ml in teimlo ‘to feel’ < *teimni̯o < *tamn- < *tang-smen‑: Lat. tango.

Dissimilation of separated consonants: (a) Already in Ar. r…&#8203;r > r…&#8203;l etc. § 101 iii (4); and tr…&#8203;r > t…&#8203;r in *tisores ‘three’ fem. > W. tair, Skr. tisráḥ § 69 iv.—(b) In Kelt. gn…&#8203;n > gl…&#8203;n in *glūn- > W. glin ‘knee’ § 63 vii (4); l…&#8203;l > r…&#8203;l in *arali̯os > W. arall ‘other’, Ir. araile.—(c) In W. gw̯…&#8203;w̯ > g…&#8203;w̯ in glyw ‘lord’ < *gw̯lyw̯ < *u̯li-u̯o‑s, VR of √u̯elē(i)- § 63 vii (2); gw̯…&#8203;v > g…&#8203;v in greẟf ‘instinct’ (greẟfu ‘to be inbred’) < *u̯r̥d-mā: Ir. frēm § 91; r…&#8203;r > r…&#8203;l in Chwefrol § 138 i (2); l…&#8203;l > l…&#8203;r in llefrith ‘new milk’ for *lle-flith < *lo-vlith ‘*calf-milk’; th…&#8203;th > t…&#8203;th in gwrtaith ‘manure’ < *u̯er-tek‑t, √theg- § 92 i; l…&#8203;ẟ > l…&#8203;d in late Mn W. machlud for Ml. W. ymachluẟ etc. § 111 vii (3); ẟ…&#8203;l > d…&#8203;l in pedol ‘horseshoe’ for *peẟawl < Lat. pedālis.

(1) Metathesis of joined consonants: (a) Nasalized stems may be the result of the metathesis in Ar. of the suffix ‑n- with the last consonant of the root; thus *juɡ‑n- > *junɡ- > Lat. jungo, √jeuɡ‑; if so, forms like Skr. yunákti ‘joins’ are analogical formations which arose in imitation of forms with n as part of the root; but the effect is the same as that which would be produced by an Ar. infix ‑ne‑.—(b) In Brit. di̯ > i̯d, etc. § 100 v.—(c) In W. lg > gl in annwyl ‘dear’ < *induglens < Lat. indulgens; chl > lch in allweẟ ‘key’ for *alchweẟ, Bret. alchouez, for *achl- § 99 vi (1); nm > mn in amnaid ‘nod’ < O. W. enmeit § 95 ii (3); dn > nd in andaw ‘listen’ for *adnaw § 76 iii (1), andwyo § 76 iv (4).

Metathesis of separated consonants: (a) Ar. *bhudh/d- ‘bottom’ and *dhub- ‘deep’, if not originally the same, are confused in the derived languages: W. annwfn ‘hell’ < *n̥-dub‑n- for *n̥-bud‑n- ‘bottomless’: Gk. ἄ-βυσσος; cf. O. Bulg. dŭno ‘bottom’ and Armen. andundk῾ “ἄβυσσος” with d…&#8203;d for b…&#8203;d by assimil.—(b) In Kelt. n…&#8203;r > r…&#8203;n in Gaul. Taranis ‘Juppiter tonans’, Taranu-, W. taran ‘thunder’, Ir. toran ‘din’, < *taran‑, *toran- for *tₑnər- *tonər‑: Brit. (-Lat.) Tanar-o Chester insc. (re-metath.?), O. E. þunor, E. thunder, Lat. tono, Gk. στένω √(s)tenā‑; b…&#8203;g > g…‑b in Ir. goba, W. gof ‘smith’ < Kelt. *gobann- for *bog- < *bhog‑: Gk. φώγω, E. bake < *bhog-, Germ. backen < *bhog‑n-, Lat. focus