Page:Morris-Jones Welsh Grammar 0159.png

§ 102 with q; this takes place before l, and before r when it is a variant of l. Thus we have the parallel roots *pel&#8209;, *q$uⁿ$el&#8209;, *qel- ‘to turn’, also with r, *q$u̯$er. Examples:—*pel&#8209;: Lat. poples ‘bend of knee’, Ir. imb-el, W. ym-yl ‘rim, edge’ < *m̥bi-pel&#8209;, W. cyf-yl ‘border, vicinity’ < *kom-pel&#8209;, ol-wyn ‘wheel’, Gk. πέλομαι < *pel- (since q$u̯$e > τε § 89 i);—*q$u̯$el&#8209;: Lat. colo, incola, Gk. τελέθω, πολεύω, W. dy-chwel-af ‘I return’ < *do-sq$u̯$el&#8209;; redupl. Gk. κύκλος, O. E. hweohl, E. wheel;—*qel&#8209;: Gk. κελλόν· στρεβλόν Hes., Lat. coluber;—qer&#8209;: Lat. curvus, Gk. κορώνη, Ir. cor ‘circle’, W. côr ‘circle, close’, cored ‘round weir’, Ml. W. at-coraf ‘I return’, Ir. cruind, W. crwnn ‘round’.——So the roots *spel&#8209;, *sq$u̯$el&#8209;, *sqel&#8209;, *sqer- ‘to split, separate, scatter’; thus *spel&#8209;: O. H. G. spaltan, E. split, Skr. sphāṭáyati ‘splits’, Bret. faouta ‘to split’, W. ffloehen ‘splinter’, hollti ‘to split’ § 96 iv (1);—*sq$u̯$el&#8209;, *sqel&#8209;: Lith. skeliù ‘I split’, Bret. skula, W. chwalu ‘to scatter’, Ir. scāilim ‘I scatter’;—*sqer&#8209;: Lith. skiriù, W. ysgar, etc. ii. (1); also in the sense of ‘snatching’; with p, Lat. spolium: with q, W. ysglyfio ‘to snatch’, ysglyfaeth ‘prey’ < *sql̥&#8209;m&#8209;.——So Gk. πλεύμων, πνεύμων ‘lung’, Lat. pulmo (for *plumō), O. Bulg. plušta, O. Pruss. plauti ‘lung’, the ‘light’ member (cf. E. lights ‘lungs’), W. lluman ‘banner’ < *pleus-mₑn&#8209;: Skr. klóman- ‘right lung’ < *qleumon&#8209;, W. ysgyfaint dual ‘lungs’ < *s&#8209;qumₑn- (l lost ii (2), see also § 121 iv), Bret. skevent, Ml. Ir. scaman (? < Brit.), Ml. W. yscun 4 ≡ ysgwn ‘light, soaring’, O. W. scamn&#8209;, W. ysgawn, ysgafn, Bret. skañv ‘light’ < *s&#8209;qumn- § 76 vii (4); W. cwhwfan for *cỿ-chw̯ỿfan ‘to wave in the breeze, flutter’ < *ko-squmon&#8209;, chw̯ŷf ‘waving’ < *squmō: √pleu&#8209;/&#8203;(pneu&#8209;) ‘float, waft’.

The change of p to t, which sometimes occurs is doubtless always secondary, as in Skr. ṣṭhī́vati ‘spews’ (: Lat. spuo, E. spew) where the ṭ is due to the following palatal, cf. Gk. πτύω < *pi̯ūi̯ō. In Kelt, p became q$u̯$ before q$u̯$, but sometimes t before a palatal or velar § 86 ii (3), perhaps a compromise between the labial and guttural positions.

i. Assimilation, dissimilation and metathesis of consonants have taken place at all periods; most of the examples occurring have arisen since the Ar. dispersion. In many cases the change has become a phonetic law; but most of the changes, especially of dissimilation and metathesis, occur only accidentally.

(1) Assimilation of joined consonants: (a) Ar. pd > bd etc. § 93 i; sd > zd § 97; ghþ > ghð § 98.—(b) In most of the derived languages mt > nt, etc. § 84, Note 3.—(c) In Kelt. tk > kk, etc. § 93, ii (2), (3); nl > ll, nr > rr, ln > l § 99 iii; lẟ > ll § 100 iii (2).—(d) In W. nt > nnh etc. § 106, llt > ll § 105; dẟ > d&#8209;d > t § 111 vii (2); lᵹ > l l § 110 ii (2). In Late Mn. W. nff > nth in benthyg < Ml. W. benffic < Lat. beneficium.