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158 (of a wave), hair of the head, border (of a country)’, briger ‘hair of the head’ < *brīk- for *prīk&#8209;, metath. for *krīp- > W. crib ‘comb, crest, ridge (of a roof)’: Ir. crīch ‘boundary of a country’ < *qrī-q-u̯o- broken redupl., √qerēi- ‘separate, divide, cut off’: Lat. crēna ‘notch’, crista ‘crest’, crīnis ‘hair of the head’;—Ir. droch ‘wheel’: W. tro ‘turn’;—Ir. gēc: W. cainc ‘branch’ < *k̑n̥q&#8209;: Skr. s̑ā́khā ‘branch’;—W. gast ‘bitch’: ci ‘dog’ § 96 ii (3).—Cf. W. Grawys, Garawys ‘Lent’ § 138; < Lat. quadragēsima. Still later is the softening of the initial of an adverb, and of a proclitic, as dy ‘thy’; these are regarded as mutated forms, and are not mutated further (except occasionally by false analogy).

Alternations like the above occur also in suffixes; as *&#8209;tro&#8209;: *&#8209;dhro- and *&#8209;tlo&#8209;: *&#8209;dhlo&#8209;.

Though l and r are not mixed indiscriminately, several doublets occur in which they alternate, as √g̑hu̯er- / g̑hu̯el- § 92 iv. These alternations may have originated, as suggested by Meillet, Intr.² 143, in reduplicated forms in which, by dissimilation, r may become l, or even n. Thus √ɡ$u̯$erē- ‘devour’ gives *ɡ$u̯$er-ɡ$u̯$el&#8209;, *ɡ$u̯$ₑn&#8209;ɡ$u̯$r&#8209;, etc., also with ɡ for ɡ$u̯$ by dissim.; thus Gk. βιβρώσκω, Lat. vorāre, W. barus ‘greedy’ < *ɡ$u̯$ₑr&#8209;: (broken redupl.) Gk. ἔβροξε, Ml. H. G. krage, Ir. brāge, W. breuant ‘windpipe’ < *ɡ$u̯$r̥̄ɡ-n̯t&#8209;: (full redupl.) Lat. gurgulio, O. H. G. querechela, Gk. γάγγραινα: Lat. gula.

The place of articulation might vary.

The different gutturals sometimes alternate. Thus, q/&#8203;k̑: √leuq/k̑&#8209;: Skr. rócate ‘lights, shines’, roká&#8209;ḥ ‘bright’, Lith. láukti ‘to expect’, with *&#8209;q&#8209;: Skr. rús̑ant- ‘bright, white’, Lith. lúszis ‘lynx’ with *&#8209;k̑&#8209;;—the suffix *&#8209;qo&#8209;: *&#8209;k̑o&#8209;, as Skr. maryaká&#8209;ḥ (márya&#8209;ḥ ‘young man’) with *&#8209;q&#8209;: Skr. yuvas̑á&#8209;ḥ (yúvan- ‘young’) with *&#8209;k̑&#8209;: Lat. juvencus, W. ieuanc ambiguous;—√ak̑&#8209;/&#8203;oq- § 63 v (2);—√k̑ei&#8209;: √qōi&#8209;: √q$u̯$ei̯ē&#8209;, see Walde s.v. civis. For a large number of examples see Brugmann² I 545 ff. After s&#8209;, &#8209;q- predominates, § 84 Note 2; and k̑/&#8203;q alternate, as Skr. chinátti ‘cuts, severs’ < *sk̑&#8209;: Lith. skë́dziu ‘I separate’ < *sq&#8209;, √sk̑(h)eid&#8209;/&#8203;sq(h)eid&#8209;.

ɡ$u̯$h/&#8203;g̑h:—Lat. fī-lum ‘thread’ < *ɡ$u̯$hī&#8209;: W. gī-au ‘nerves, sinews’ < *g̑hī&#8209;;—W. gw̯res, Gk. θερμός, etc. < *ɡ$u̯$h&#8209;, § 92 iii: Lith. žarýjos ‘glowing coals’, Alb. zjar̄ ‘fire’ < *g̑h&#8209;;—W. gw̯elw ‘pale’, Lith. geltas ‘tawny’ < *ɡ$u̯$h&#8209;: Lith. želiù green, W. glas ‘green’ < *g̑h, § 92 iii.

Exactly the same change of position as the last is involved in the alternation of u̯ and i̯, which occurs in some roots, as √g̑hēu&#8209;: √g̑hēi&#8209; ‘yawn’.

The Ar. consonant series p, t, k, q, q$u̯$ is not a line with p and q$u̯$ as loose ends, but as it were a circle, in which p and q$u̯$ approach one another. q$u̯$ combines the back with the lip position, and the shifting of the stop to the latter position makes it p. It is not surprising therefore that q$u̯$ became p in some languages as W., Osc.-Umb., Gk., or that under certain conditions p > q$u̯$, § 96 iv. Already in Ar. there seem to be some cases of p alternating with q$u̯$, and even