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§ 100 we have diawl monosyll. § 34 ii < diab(o)lus, but pl. di|ef|yl 3 syll. i 192a for *di̯efyl < diabolī.

After medial consonants u̯ and i̯ remained, as in W. pedw̯ar ‘four’ 63 vii (4);—W. celwydd ‘lie’ < *kalu̯íi̯o&#8209;: Lat. calumnia < *calu̯omniā;—W. dedwydd ‘happy’ < *do-tu̯íi̯os: Lat. tuēri, tūtus, O. Icel. þȳða ‘friendship’, Goth. þiuþ ‘good’ noun, √teu̯ē(i̯)- (not √teu̯ā- ‘swell, increase’ according to Walde s. v. tueor);—W. pl. ending &#8209;i̯on § 121 i; verbal suffix &#8209;i- § 201 iii (6); see also iii (2) below.

Between two consonants u̯ and i̥ had dropped in Brit.; thus W. garr ‘knee’ < *ganr- < *g̑ₑn(u̯)r- § 63 vii (4);—chwann-en < *sqond- < *s&#8209;qon(i̯)d- ib.;—golchi < *u̯olk- < *u̯ol(i̯)q$u̯$- § 89 ii (2).—On &#8209;w̯- which came later between consonants in W., see § 42.

Between i or i̥ and a consonant, u̥ dropped; as in chw̯ŷd ‘vomit’ < *spi(u̯)t&#8209;, √spei̯eu̯- § 96 iv (1);—W. hoed ‘grief’, Ir. saeth < *sai̯(u̯)t&#8209;: Lat. saevus (orig. ‘sore, sad’, see Walde s.v.);—W. oed ‘age’ < *ai̯(u̯)t&#8209;: Lat. aetas, older aevitas. Hence while W. has final &#8209;yw, &#8209;oyw it has no &#8209;ywd, &#8209;oywd, &#8209;ywg, etc.

(1) In Brit., in the diphthong ii̯ (ei̯, ai̯), when accented or following the accent, i̯ became a spirant probably like French j, which became ẟ, and appears so in W. Thus &#8209;íi̯os > &#8209;yẟ, &#8209;íi̯ā > &#8209;eẟ; ´&#8209;ii̯- > &#8209;oeẟ § 75 iv. But the change did not take place in oi̯ or īi̯.

The same change took place after l or r following the accent; thus ´li̯ > *lẟ > W. ll; and ´ri̯ > *rẟ ≡ W. rẟ. Examples: li̯: W. gallaf ‘I can’: Lith. galiù ‘I can’;—W. all- in all-fro ‘foreigner’, Gaul. Allo-broges < *ali̯o&#8209;: Lat. alius, Gk. ἄλλος < *álios;—W. gwell ‘better’: Skr. várya&#8209;ḥ ‘eligible’, várīyān ‘better’: O. E. wel, E. well, orig. ‘choice’, √u̯el- ‘wish’.—ri̯: W. arddaf ‘I plough’: Lith. ariù ‘I plough’, Goth. arjan ‘to plough’;—Pr. Kelt. Iu̯ér-i̯on&#8209;, &#8209;iann- > W. Iwerddon ‘Ireland’, Ir. gen. Ērenn;—W. morddwyd ‘thigh’: O. H. G. muriot ‘thigh’;—W. hwrdd ‘a violent push’ < *spuri̯- (ur < u̯ₑr § 63 viii (1)) √sphu̯erē- ‘hurl, smite’ § 96 iv (1): Lith. spiriù ‘I kick’ (ir < ₑr § 63 iii); also possibly W. g&#8209;ordd fem. ‘mallet’ (g- excrescent § 112 ii (2)), O. W. ord 2, Bret. orz < *púri̯-ā ‘smiter’: Gk. σφῦρα ‘mallet’ < *σφυρι̯ᾱ; in that case Ir. ordd is from British (a not improbable borrowing, cf. Pedersen Gr. i 22–4).

