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§ 99 E. want;—W. garr ‘knee’, Bret. garr ‘jambe’ < *gan‑r- § 63 vii (4). But in compounds in which the sounds came together after the Brit. period, the n remains, and the group becomes ‑nll‑, ‑nrh- in W., as in an-llad, an-rheg § 111 i (1).

Ar. ‑ln- also became ‑ll- in Pr. Kelt. Thus W. dall ‘blind’, Ir. dall ‘blind’, cluas-dall ‘deaf’ < *dh(u̯)al’-no‑: Goth. dwals ‘foolish’, O. E. ge-dwelan ‘to err’, √dhu̯elāˣ‑. But ‑rn- remained, as in W. chw̯yrn ‘swift’ < *sphern- § 96 iv (1); W. carn ‘hoof’, Bret. karn, Galat. κάρνον· τὴν σάλπιγγα, Hes. < *k̑ₑr’n‑, √k̑erāˣu̯‑; W. darn, sarn, etc. § 63 iii; Kelt. suffix *‑arn- < *‑ₑr’n‑, as in W. haearn, cadarn.

(1) Ar. ‑mn‑, ‑nm- remained in Pr. Kelt., and appear so in Ir. (or with an epenthetic vowel); in W. the mutated form f (or w̯ § 102 iii (1)) takes the place of m. Thus W. safn ‘mouth’, Bret. staoñ ‘palate’ < *stom‑n‑: Gk. στόμα § 76 vii (4);—W. cyfnesaf ‘kinsman’ < *kom-nessam‑, § 148 i (1);—Ir. ainm ‘name’, O. W. anu < *an’mn̥ § 63 v (2); W. menw̯-yd ‘mind, pleasure’, Ir. menme ‘mind’ < *men‑m‑: Skr. mánman- ‘mind, thought’;—W. an-fad ‘atrocious’ (: mad ‘good’), Gaul. (Sequ.) anmat&hellip; ‘unlucky’ < *n̥-mat‑: Lat. mātūrus orig. ‘in good time’ Walde² 470.

(1) A group consisting of l, r, m or n and a single explosive remained in Pr. Kelt. (except that p dropped, § 86, and a nasal assumed the position of a following explosive). The further development of such groups in W. is dealt with in §§ 104–6.

When a liquid came before two explosives the first explosive dropped; thus W. perth ‘bush’ < *pertā < *q$u̯$erq$u̯$‑t‑: Lat. quercus < *perq$u̯$us § 86 ii (2): O. H. G. forha, O. E. furh, E. fir, Skr. parkaṭī ‘ficus religiosa’;—W. cellt ‘flint’ < *qelq‑t‑: Lat. calx § 95 iv (2);—W. arth, Ir. art< *arktos § 98 i (2).

But when a nasal came before two explosives, the nasal dropped; thus W. trwyth ‘wash, lye, urine’ < *tronkt‑: W. trwnc ‘urine’ < *tronq‑: Lith. trenkù ‘I wash’ (W. trochi ‘to bathe’ <