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§§ 64, 65 πλατ-ύς;—RV *plₑth- > Armen. layn ‘broad’;—(without l, § 101 ii (2)) RF *pₑthē- > Lat. patē-re, etc.

Other combinations are unpronounceable or difficult; thus u̯i̯ cannot be sounded before a cons.; in that case i̯ drops. Generally i̯, u̯ drop between consonants, see iv above.

Some roots have more than one ungraded form; thus radical ā may stand beside radical ō, as in *arā- or *arō- ‘scratch, bite; plough, dig’: Lat. arā-re has F *arā- of the first, Gk. ἄροτρον has R *arə- of the second. The F of both, with &#8209;d- extension, occurs in Lat. rād-o, rōd-o. Beside ā we have sometimes to assume a, as in Skr. rádati ‘scratches, digs’ (not ə here, which gives i in Skr.). In many cases all the forms cannot be explained without assuming an alternation of long and short vowel in the root; this may have come about by false analogy. Another common form of root alternation is *tēu̯&#8209;: *teu̯ā- or *g̑hēi̯&#8209;: *g̑hei̯ā- (Lat. hiā-re); see vii (5).

.—Ablaut is not to be confused with the changes due to accentuation or other causes in the derived languages, such as the shortening of unacc. ā in Brit. § 74, or the loss of a vowel in such a word as cawr § 76 iii (4), which would be *cur if the loss were primitive § 76 ii (1).

KELTIC VOWELS IN BRITISH AND WELSH

From what has been said in §§ 57–62 we arrive at the following vowel system for Pr. Kelt.:

i. The short vowels a, e, o remain unchanged in W.; see examples in § 58; so Latin a, e, o; unless affected by other vowels §§ 67–70. The exceptions are the following:

Before a guttural o in many cases became a, apparently when unaccented in Brit.; thus W. Cymro < *kom-brógos, but Cymraes ‘Welsh-woman’ < *kom-brogíssā: *brog&#8209;, W. bro ‘border, region’ < *mrog&#8209;, VF of √marog&#8209;, whose FV gave Lat. marg-o;—W. troed ‘foot’ < acc. *tróget-m̞, pl. traed < acc. pl. *troget-áss (< *&#8209;ń̥s: Skr. &#8209;aḥ), or from gen. pl. *troget-ón (< *&#8209;ṓm which was generally