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Rh the “procedure” or “procedures” of lawmaking). A Governor’s motives for vetoing a certain bill are irrelevant to the effect of the veto as part of the legislative process, just as the motives that may lead one house of the legislature to reject a bill passed by the other house are irrelevant to the effect of its doing so. Put simply, when this power is conferred on the Governor of a State, it “makes him in effect a third branch of the legislature.” T. Cooley, General Principles of Constitutional Law 50 (1880) (emphasis added); accord, Arizona State Legislature, 576 U. S., at 833 (, dissenting) (noting that “approving [and] vetoing bills” are “legislative functions”); Chadha, 462 U. S., at 947 (explaining that “lawmaking” is “a power … shared by both Houses and the President”); La Abra Silver Mining Co. v. United States, 175 U. S. 423, 453 (1899) (noting that Presidential approval “is legislative in its nature”); cf. 1 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 150 (1765) (“[T]he king is himself a part of the parliament”). This is a question of who, not what, and thus is “a matter of state polity” as far as the Elections Clause is concerned. Smiley, 285 U. S., at 368.

But substantive constraints on what the lawmaking power can do (gubernatorial approval included) demand an entirely different justification—one that the majority never provides. It does not overrule Cook and Thornton to hold that the power to prescribe times, places, and manners for congressional elections is an original power of the people of each State. Nor does it hold that the people are themselves “the Legislature” to which the Federal Constitution delegates that power. See. Indeed, the majority devotes little attention to the source and recipient of the power described in the Elections Clause, notwithstanding their direct relevance to the question presented.

Instead, the majority focuses on the power of state courts to exercise “judicial review” of Elections Clause legislation. See,. But that power sheds no light