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490 ed on the ground of their ceasing to be rate- payers The force of this argument has however been greatly exaggerated Married and unmarried women would not under the proposed measnie be sharply or perma- nently divided Great numbers of female voters would be constantly passing into the married state Great numbers of married women would be constantly acquiring by widowhood the right of voting, and married women with independent property would retain their votes in the married state

The entrance of women into the field of politics would no doubt make the elimina- tion of priestly influence from the poittical arena difficult, but this apphes much more 1n the case of Catholic countries where women are absolutely under ecclesiasticai infiuence than in the Enghsh speaking world In In- dia, educated professional women with znde- pendent property qualifications are more likely to be free from rehgious prejudices than even many educated male voters

As for the results of the enfranchisement of women, Lecky 1s of opinion that it would raise the standard of private morality required in public mea, and increase the importance of character in public life It would probably be aconservative influence, very hostile to revolutionary and predatory change [¢ would also probably tend somewhat, though aot in any overwhelming degree, to strengthen ecclesiastical influence, especially in questions telating to religious education Questions connected with the social condition of the masses of the people wil! receive an increased prominence rm legislation, and women would make it the mterest of the people’s represen- tatives to give them an increased share of thew attention At the same time it should be remembered that women, and especially

unmarried women, are on the whole more impulsive than men, more easily induced to gratify an undisciplined or misplaced come passion, to the neglect of the larger and more permanent interests of society [eg, their vehement opposition to vivisecilon |, more apt to dwell upon the proximate than the more distant results, more subject to fanati- cisms, which often acquire almost the intensity of monomania A due sense of the proportion of things, an adequate subordina. tion of impulse to reason, an habitual regard to the ultimate and distant consequences of political measures, a sound, sober and unexaggerated judgment, are elements which already are lamentably wanting im political life, and female influence would certainly not tend ta merease them Nor is it likely that it would be in the direction of liberty With women, even more than men, there 1s a strong disposition to overrate the curative powers of legislation, to attempt to mould the lives of men 1m all their details by meddle- some or restraiming laws, and an increase of female influence could hardly fail to increase that habit of excessive legislation which 1s one of the great evils of the time

On the whole, however, Lecky’s con- clusion is as follows

‘Women form a great section of the community, and a8 We haye seen, they have many special interests The opening to them of employments, professions and endowments, the regulation of ther labour, ques- tions of women’s property and succession, the punish- ment of crimes avast women, female education , laws relating to marriage, guardianship and divorce, may all be cited, and in the great drink question the are the more sober sex, they are also, it 1s to be feared, the sex which suffers most from the consequences of mtemperance Wath such a catalogue of special mterests it 1s imposstble to say that they have not a claim to representation if they desire tt” 5

Seoservivemmeemnne aero

world is crying for peace. The West is desiring the restoration of peace through a League of Powers. But can Powers find their equilibrium in themselves? Power cannot be made secure only against power, it must also be made secure against the weak, for there lies the peril of its losing balance. The