Page:Michael Velli - Manual For Revolutionary Leaders - 2nd Ed.djvu/91

 ''he triumph of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the Soviet Union in 1917 was the beginning of the end of world imperialism. The fight for smashing the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and the establishing of the dictatorship of the proletariat, is what distinguishes communists from others who may claim the honor of being communist. This battle is the essence of Marxism-Leninism—which class will hold state power? —When imperialism is defeated in the U.S., it is replaced by socialism—nothing else. One revolution, one replacement process, one seizure of state power—the anti-imperialist revolution and the socialist revolution, one and the same stage. —The recognition of class struggle leads inevitably to the recognition of the necessity for violent revolution and the political rule of the working class. The organized repressive violence of the state is met with the organized revolutionary violence of the people. POWER TO THE PEOPLE!''

''he new democratic revolution and new democratic state consist of a united front—an alliance of all revolutionary classes that can be united against imperialism, including the patriotic bourgeoisie but led by the working class. —It is the task of the revolutionary party of the working class, guided by Marxism-Leninism, to lead the people to victory. —The party is neither a social unity nor an economic unity. It is based upon its program. In theory this program may be the expression of the interests of a particular class. In practice, however, anyone may join the party, whether his interests coincide or not with the principles enunciated in the party program. The socialist party is the ideological representative of the proletariat. This, however, does not make it a class organism. From the social point of view it is a mixture of classes, being composed of elements fulfilling diverse functions in the economic process. But since the program has a class origin, an ostensible social unity is thereby conferred upon the party. All socialists as such, whatever their economic position in private life, admit in theory the absolute pre-eminence of one great class, the proletariat Those non-proletarians affiliated to the party, and those who are but partial proletarians, 'adopt the outlook of the working class, and recognize this class as predominant.' ''The internalization of the party program is best exhibited by individuals whose daily activity separates them