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 44 the same time to justify their silence before the Revolution. Thus they convinced British public opinion that Russia's downfall was wholly brought about by the disorganisation due to the "class egoism" and excessive demands of the workers.

This was a mere trick, and no trick could alter the fact that Russia's industry was practically destroyed before the Revolution was accomplished. But, in stating this fact, I am far from intending to relieve the Revolution, the workers, and the Socialist parties from all responsibility. It is my firm conviction that nothing but blind hatred and dishonest partisanship could lead people to accuse the Revolution of destroying Russia's industry and transport system. But I do accuse it of not arresting the process of disintegration. The duty of the revolutionary democracy and of the Socialist parties was to stop the process of decomposition of the national economy. But they had not sufficient courage and strength of purpose to save Russia and the Russian industry from utter ruin.

The most striking feature which impressed every unbiassed observer of the Revolution was the marvellous instinct and truly prophetic foresight of the revolutionary democracy. Unfortunately the new democracy of Russia proved unable to fulfil its vision and its great programme. The reasons for this inability were very complicated. The gigantic tasks of the Revolution, which they saw so clearly, repeatedly caused them to waver in the critical moments by their very magnitude. Periods of the most marvellous creative upheaval were followed by intervals of humble scepticism and diffidence. And in these moments of spiritual depression the revolutionary democracy had not the moral courage and strength of character to withstand the united opposition of the bourgeois, imperialist and reactionary enemies of the new democracy. That is why so many vague and senseless compromises appeared during the Revolution and destroyed more than one great scheme of genuine reconstruction. The