Page:MALAYSIA BILL RHODESIA AND NYASALAND BILL (2) (Hansard, 11 Juli 1963).djvu/20

 I hope that this can be done by agreement, but if the Government of Southern Rhodesia proves to be obstructive then I believe that the First Secretary can make a number of proposals to them. He could, perhaps, propose that the Commonwealth sets up a Council of State, made up of two of the older white dominions, India, and two of the newly emergent African States, which would assist in the calling of a constitutional conference representing all of the political groups in Southern Rhodesia and help to administer the territory and maintain law and order during the transitional period and assist in bringing in an agreed constitution which would prevent break down in law and order in the territory and prevent violence.

There is hanging over us today the threat that, because of the intransigence of a few white political leaders out of touch with the main stream of opinions in these territories, there will be civil war in this territory and an Algerian-type war between black and white. There is this danger and we should not disregard it. If it came about, it could mean the introduction of arms from independent States which are only too anxious to give all the assistance they can. Mr. Ben Bella of Algeria has already promised 100,000 volunteers to fight in South Africa. I do not know how he can guarantee that number of volunteers, but it is undoubtedly the case that Algeria would want to provide aid. If there were the danger of civil strife, volunteers from other States would be prepared to come in. But it could go further. Even Communist China could become involved in the dispute.

We should take steps to persuade Southern Rhodesia to change its Constitution. If it did this and allowed a move towards majority rule, which would eventually of course become universal suffrage, there is the chance that the economic ties between Southern Rhodesia and the Northern Territories can be retained, and there could be a great advance eventually towards a wider federation between Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika in East Africa and Nyasaland, Northern Rhodesia and Southern Rhodesia as well. I look forward to the day when all these territories are linked together in a population of 30 to 35 million which would command tremendous resources and be able to do very much more for the welfare of the inhabitants than any of the States on its own.

I do not want to delay the House except to make one point about the situation in Nyasaland. Hon. Members have referred to the breakdown of law and order in that territory. I believe that there has been exaggeration about this. The hon. Member for St. Albans (Mr. Goodhew), in particular, should realise that if a territory is harassed and controlled by an alien white population in Southern Rhodesia—and that was how they regarded it—and if this territory is denied the constitutional opportunity of expressing what is undoubtedly the mass feeling of the population—this was confirmed by the Devlin Committee's Report—and this goes on for many years, there is bound to be a build-up of feeling and tension even against the white man himself. There is bound to be, to put it bluntly, a little bit of blowing off steam during this period. I do not think that it will last. I think that once Nyasaland reaches a state of complete independence, or self-determination within a wider Federation, this period of tension between the communities will go.

I am authorised by my hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Brockway) to read a telegram he has just received from a leading member of the Asian Committee, A Sattar Sacranie: "On behalf of entire Asian population of Nyasaland I strongly protest against allegations' that law and order broken down in Nyasaland. These allegations are totally untrue. Repeat untrue. Regard allegations as attempt to present distorted picture of conditions to prejudice granting of early independence. We strongly protest against interference of Roy Welensky in our affairs." That is something from the Asian community which it has been stated in some cases has been under attack itself.

I believe that we have reached the end of a very unhappy era, ten years of mistakes, ten years of actions by the Conservative Party, which have had the effect of building up tensions between the communities of Rhodesia and Nyasaland rather than adding to the possibilities of true partnership between them. Now we have on the basis of universal adult suffrage and the equality and dignity of all men whatever the colour of their skin, the opportunity of moving towards better relations between communities, and I hope all in Rhodesia and Nyasaland will now grasp that opportunity.