Page:MALAYSIA BILL RHODESIA AND NYASALAND BILL (1) (Hansard, 11 Juli 1963).djvu/13

 Mr. R. H. Turton (Thirsk and Malton) Could the right hon. Gentleman answer the question put to him by my hon. Friend the Member for Haltemprice (Mr. Wall)? He objects to the present circumstances, but what are the conditions he would like to see in Southern Rhodesia to enable it to become independent?

Mr. Bottomley

If the right hon. Gentleman has not been following me. I cannot help that. I thought that I made our position on this side quite clear.

Let me say one thing further which I think the Government may have to consider and which the Opposition will certainly have to consider. That is that if the present Administration of Southern Rhodesia are not prepared in their own interests to advance at a rate which will give all sections of the community equality and a chance of practising democracy, we are left with one other weapon—we still have the power to suspend the Constitution and to withhold economic assistance.

I agree that neither of these alternatives can commend themselves to anyone who has the future progress and prosperity of the territory in mind. Nevertheless, we must be prepared to do everything possible to bring about a just and democratic society. If we do not do this, posterity will think very hard of us all. On our side, we fervently hope that the economic and social links will be forged and strengthened, so that all the communities can reach and enjoy a higher standard of living.

I repeat that this will be possible only if all the people in all the territories are given equal rights and responsibilities. The Africans are aware of the need for economic co-operation, and where they have a free choice they surge ahead. This is shown by the fact that while, today, the Central African Federation is breaking up, an East African Federation is being formed and will come into being this year.

Because Southern Rhodesia holds the key to the future of Central Africa, it will earnestly be hoped that she will follow a liberal policy. Most Europeans are, at heart, liberal-minded and it is only those who are puffed up by power or pursuing selfish interests who act otherwise. Unfortunately, these people are able to play upon the fears of others. They are helped in this by reports such as we have just heard from the First Secretary about the troubles in Nyasaland, where it is alleged that private police have beaten up Europeans. This is not in keeping with African tradition. Generally, they are gentle and peaceful folk.

I think that a parallel could be drawn between Africa and India. It was my privilege to be concerned with the transfer of power to India, and, in passing, I should like to pay tribute to the First Secretary for the liberal and progressive line he took at that time, in contrast with that taken by the right hon. Member for Woodford (Sir W. Churchill) and other members of the Tory Party. I believe that he still has that spirit in him, and that is why I am encouraged by what he did at the conference.

Frustration and delay have caused bitterness and hatred towards the British to build-up in this part of Africa as it did in India, but with Indian independence came a recognition by their leaders that European skill and knowledge were necessary for them to build up their country. Today, there are more Europeans in India than ever before, and a deep friendship between our peoples. The same understanding and appreciation of the part Europeans can play is possible in Central Africa if there is a will and desire for mutual respect and tolerance.

4.59 p.m.

Mr. R. H. Turton (Thirsk and Malton) When we listened to the dispassionate speech of my right hon. Friend the First Secretary, none of us really could believe that what the surgeon was doing was murdering his own patient. When he talked about the end of a chapter, my first feeling this afternoon was that this is a tragedy. Very nearly ten years ago today, we started off this experiment in multiracial partnership with high hopes and, as the right hon. Member for