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Rh paragraph of the Prussian constitution; and that, some years later, Parliament, by passing a bill of indemnity, condoned all that had been declared unconstitutional in his administration during "the conflict."

The internal difficulties against which Bismarck had to contend did not prevent his giving full attention to foreign affairs. Prussia could only be made as great as he wished her to be — as great as, in his opinion, she ought to be — if she took an active part in all the important questions of European politics. There were great risks to be incurred; but Bismarck was not afraid of risks. He felt almost unlimited confidence in the value of Prussian soldiers; and he was quite willing to give them a chance of proving their superiority. It was unavoidable that, sooner or later, they would have to try their strength against one or other of Prussia's neighbors. Hence Bismarck's attitude towards foreign cabinets. At the very time when he seemed to be overwhelmed with troubles at home, he stood with his hand on the hilt of his sword, ready to draw it at the shortest notice, if any one should even hint at the necessity for a change in Prussia's foreign policy.

During the Polish insurrection, he signed a convention, with Russia. This gave great dissatisfaction, not only in Berlin, where the Liberal party attacked the government with much vehemence, but also in London and in Paris. There were rumors afloat of an armed intervention of France, England, and Austria in favor of Poland. Bismarck took no heed of these, and they died away, without having done him any harm, soon after the insurrection had been crushed by the Russian government.

The next eight years, from 1863 to 1871, are the most eventful in Bismarck's life. They are marked by the three wars against Denmark, Austria, and France. All his actions belong thenceforward to history. But for that very reason we cannot and must not dwell upon them. We cannot attempt to write the contemporary history of Europe.

Throughout these eight years, which have seen Austria — so long the leading power in Germany fall back behind Prussia; which have witnessed the downfall of the Napoleonic dynasty, the establishment of a republic in France, and a new empire in Germany — Bismarck's will and Bismarck's power have been the great impelling forces at work on the Continent. He has accomplished what he has aimed at during his whole life; Germany has become the greatest military power in Europe; the chief of the Hohenzollern family is at the head of that power; and Bismarck himself is the most powerful man in his own country.

Prince Bismarck's triumph was complete. Every German knew that it was Bismarck who, standing by the king's side, had urged him not to hesitate, but boldly to try the strength of Prussia against Austria and against France. Every German felt proud of the success which had been achieved, and proud of having, in some degree, contributed to it; for there was scarcely a man who — if he had not been himself in the field — had not had some of his nearest relatives fighting at Königsgrätz or Sedan. "He knew better than we did what we were worth," they said, speaking of Bismarck: they were grateful to him for having held them in such high esteem, and elated at having deserved it.

Nevertheless the chancellor could not rest upon his laurels. A man in his position, and with his character, cannot live without making enemies. They arose on all sides: Feudalists, Particularists, Roman Catholics, Socialists. Some reproached him with having forsaken the party which had supported him during his struggle with the Revolution; others accused him of wanting to Prussify all Germany — maybe the whole world. The Roman Catholics spoke of him as of an incarnation of the Antichrist; the Socialists proclaimed him an enemy of humanity. He faced his aggressors wherever he met them: he turned from one to another never weary of fighting. And still the battle rages. Bismarck's adversaries seem to be gaining strength. While he has been presiding over the Congress at Berlin, Germany has been agitated by the coming elections. It is very possible that the new Parliament may oppose the political measures which the chancellor has thought necessary to recommend as a safeguard against the spread of Socialism. Bismarck may once more have to do battle. Who can say that he will be again victorious? But if he remains faithful to his past — and there can be no doubt that he will — he will never yield. He will fight to the last for what he considers the right; and if he falls before the day is won, it will be after a fearful struggle, after having inflicted heavy wounds upon his enemies, and with his face to the foe. His epitaph should be: "He was a powerful and a fearless man."