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236 which should be taken with much qualification, for the concealed or hoarded treasure of India must be something enormous; but in so far as India is a poor country, how and why is it poor? It is poor, not from any sterility of its soil or scantiness of its products, or from any incapacity of labouring or acquiring knowledge among its people: in these respects it is one of the most favoured lands on earth. It is poor because it loves to lie down and dream rather than to rise up and work; because it hoards its wealth — buries it in the ground or sits upon it — in preference to turning it to profitable use; because, except where the pride of noble families produces female infanticide, it not only exercises no restraint upon the increase of population, but even, in accordance with its religious ideas, regards any increase, however reckless, as partaking of the merit of a religious act; and because it is absolutely eaten up by non-productive classes of people — priests, devotees, beggars, retainers, family dependants, and princes and nobles of many fallen dynasties. The most energetic and the richest country in the world could not stand what India not only bears but welcomes, without bringing itself to poverty; and if all the English Raj is to do for India is to add another class of unfortunates to it in the shape of overworked and underpaid European officials, with their descendants, then I can only say that the English Raj is extremely likely to have soon to make way for that of Russia or Germany. The essential consideration has been lost sight of, that either we ought to be in India as a nation, in our imperial capacity, or ought not to be there at all. A spurious philanthropy (the real motive of which has too often been the difficulty the civilians have had in dealing with the independency of character of outside Englishmen, and with their sometimes irrational and brutal humours) has only resulted in pushing forward a class of natives who exercise no influence over the people, are entirely mistrusted by them, and who cannot but regard us with hatred. At the same time we have ignored the primary duty of providing that the work of governing and elevating India shall not be ruinous to those who are engaged in it, or to their descendants. Hence the creation of a large and ever-increasing class of poor whites and half-castes, who are a scandal to the Christian name and the white race, having been forced by circumstances to depths of misery and depravity unknown among the jungle tribes, and hence the painful fact that the large towns of India contain a number of respectable, fairly educated English and Eurasian people who are at their wits' end how to live. The financial question is chiefly a negative one, meaning the suppression of jobbery and folly. The lasting reputation of a governor-general will depend on the services he has rendered in saving India from itself, in developing its grand capacities, and in making it an integral and valuable constituent of the British empire.

The famine has also vindicated the character of a high officer who last year was looked upon with not a little disfavour. Chiefly owing to his connection with the income-tax, no one was more unpopular in India than Sir Richard Temple, then the financial member of council, but now the lieutenant-governor of Bengal; and if he were the popularity-hunter which some people fancy him to be, he would have taken care not to associate himself with so obnoxious a tax. In various appointments, but especially as secretary to the Panjáb government and as commissioner of the Central Provinces, Sir Richard had proved himself to be an officer of very great ability and of the rarest energy. In the Central Provinces, development, which was forced on by circumstances, and which might well have occupied a century, had to be provided for and regulated within a few years; and this was admirably effected by the commissioner, so as to gain for him the very highest repute as an organizer and administrator. It is sometimes said that he has great powers of using other men's brains; but that is really one of the most important qualities for a high Indian official, as for all leaders of mankind, and I never heard the slightest complaint made on that score by the men whose brains he had used. On the contrary, they said he had made a legitimate and the best use of their work, and was always ready to advance the fortunes of those who served under him — a generosity which is seldom, if ever, displayed by humbugs and men of small calibre. I thoroughly believe that the income-tax was a most unsuitable tax for India, and that Lord Northbrook rendered a great service by putting an end to it, let me hope, for all time; because it brought in an insignificant sum (to the government), did not touch the really wealthy classes, 