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 omniscient critics. It was most fortunate for India that at this crisis a thoughtful statesman was at the head of affairs, and one of sufficient force of character to disregard the outcry which was raised against him. An excellent authority on the spot, as quoted by the Calcutta correspondent of the Times, has well said: "It will not be denied that had it not been for the action taken by Government, the mortality would have been very great. But I am convinced that it is equally true that had Government action been of a nature to check private trade to any extent, the result would also have been calamitous. … I firmly believe that had Government, last November, proclaimed to the world that they intended to rely solely on their own unaided efforts to save the people from starvation, the result would have been deplorable, both financially and in respect do the loss of life which would have ensued." This is another very important view of the matter, and is by no means opposed to what I have said about the bunnias; because they would have bought and stored grain in order to sell it to the government, rather than with a view to the difficult and risky operation of conveying it into the famine-districts. The viceroy had also to guard against the danger of inviting or allowing the people within the famine-circle to rely too much on government aid, which the natives of India are always most ready to do.

The crisis of the Bengal famine of 1874 has now passed, and it is difficult to know whether to admire most the manner in which Lord Northbrook and Sir Richard Temple have dealt with it so as to prevent almost any loss of life, or their success in managing the relief operations so as to avoid pauperizing, or otherwise demoralizing, the people, and so as to bring them readily back to their ordinary industrial operations. The first of these feats was entirely new in the history of India: the second was still more difficult of accomplishment; its success presents both rulers and ruled in the most pleasing light, and is a new illustration of the readiness of the people of India to appreciate and conjoin with action on the part of Englishmen, which is at once sympathetic and decided. Large powers are necessary to deal with them in a satisfactory manner, and, to that end, these powers must be exercised with knowledge of the necessities and Wishes of the people, and yet with a confidence and decision which are only accepted and only tolerable when springing from a just conviction that the action undertaken and insisted upon is in accordance with the highest intelligence and morality.

But, though unwilling to enter here on the general subject of Indian policy, I must guard against appearing, even for a moment, to support the limited view which some of Lord Northbrook's admirers and critics take of the course which is marked out for him as governor-general of our great Eastern empire, and must make a few general remarks which, though brief, are of cardinal moment. According to that view, the only matter of essential importance for India is to reduce its expenditure, and to keep that steadily within the limits of the revenue which may be afforded by the present recognized and understood taxation. It is assumed, that if that only be done, everything will go well — there will be no disaffection in India; and a grateful populace will ornament us with garlands of yellow flowers, feast us upon pan súpári, and shower blessings upon our honoured heads. I believe that a greater mistake could not be made, and that this would be only another side of Lord Lawrence's policy of "masterly imbecility," which has thrown Central Asia into the hands of Russia. Economy and strict financial management are very necessary in India, and the viceroy has clearly seen that, and has addressed himself to the task with extraordinary skill, energy, self-abnegation, and success. But if there is a matter on which the people of India are likely to overvalue his services and urge him to excess, it is on that of financial economy. No one admires more than I do their many admirable qualities, but among these financial wisdom cannot be reckoned. They have no objections to a native prince levying the most enormous and oppressive taxation in very hurtful time-honoured ways, and spending it in the most reckless, useless, and debauching manner. He may take half the produce of their fields, and lavish it on dancing-girls, devotees, beggars, and in support of degrading superstitions, and they are perfectly satisfied; but let the English government incur a productive new expenditure, or impose a new tax of the least hurtful kind, and they are the most oppressed and afflicted beings in the world. We hear a great deal about India being a poor country — and that is a statement