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Rh tional power of Parliament to lay an internal tax on the American colonies. He was in any case adverse to the assertion of that power. In these views he was confirmed by a journey which he undertook about this time through the Low Countries, and a consideration of the ties which bound them to their Austrian rulers. As for the new Administration itself, it was composed of Ministers holding divergent opinions on the question of the Stamp Act; and the leading members, influenced by Burke, wished to declare the right of Parliament to tax and legislate for America in all cases whatsoever, while the King had a very definite intention of not allowing the Stamp Act to be touched if he could avoid it. Again the influence of Newcastle was sure to make itself felt, and Shelburne with Pitt was resolved no longer to tolerate the interference of Newcastle. It may be urged that had Shelburne joined the Ministry, he would have been strong enough to force his own ideas upon it; but Rockingham, though a very dull was a very obstinate man, especially when supported by the Duke of Cumberland and by Burke. The latter has left to posterity an elaborate and ingenious defence of the Minister, whose Private Secretary he was; but the very defence advanced is also the best justification of Shelburne, as it confesses that the resolution to repeal the Stamp Act, for the execution of which all the preparations still continued to be made, was not even entertained till the news of the troubles in America arrived, while Cumberland, on whose patronage the Ministry depended, was not only an upholder of the Stamp Act, but was the last person to have given way before the appearance of resistance. Fortunately for the Rockingham Whigs Cumberland died in October; but even after that event, the divided and distracted condition of the Cabinet is witnessed to by Lord Hardwicke, who had joined it as Minister sans portefeuille.