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Rh that in April they passed an appropriation for the three installments then due — not to be paid, however, until after the French government should have received “satisfactory explanations” with regard to President Jackson's message of December, 1834. Jackson understood this to mean something like a demand for an apology, and an apology he would not give. He said so in his annual message of 1835, declaring however, at the same time, that he had never intended any “menace.” The chargé d'affaires, left behind by Livingston, was instructed to make a formal demand for the money without the apology. Payment was refused. Both governments called home their diplomatic representatives. Jackson, in a special message in January, 1836, recommended that Congress pass a law that French ships and goods be excluded from American ports. Things looked more threatening than ever. Then Great Britain interposed with her good offices, which were accepted by both parties. The French government was induced to declare that Jackson's message, in which he had incidentally said that no menace had been intended, was a sufficient explanation: the money was paid and the trouble was over. It must be added that in popular estimation General Jackson had “beaten the French,” and he was in the eyes of the masses a greater hero than ever, — not unnaturally so; for his style of diplomacy, no doubt, convinced all Europe that this Republic could not safely be trifled with. But it was largely due to Clay's skillful interposition that the