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56 as an alternative, if Congress did not choose to wait longer for favorable action on the part of the French; how he did not look upon reprisals under such circumstances as absolutely a measure of hostility, and expressly disclaimed his recommendation to have been intended as a menace. On the other hand, Clay admitted that it might easily be misunderstood as a menace, and that a resort to reprisals was apt to be regarded and resented as an act of war. It behooved the government of the United States not to anticipate a final breach by France of her solemn engagements, and, while firmly standing by our rights as set forth by the President, to treat her with confidence in her honor and good faith.

This was the drift of Clay's report. He also offered a resolution declaring it “inexpedient, at this time, to pass any law vesting in the President authority for making reprisals upon French property,” etc. This resolution, modified, with Clay's consent, to spare Jackson's feelings, so as to read: “that it is inexpedient at present to adopt any legislative measures in regard to the state of affairs between the United States and France,” was then adopted by a unanimous vote.

Thus Clay's point was gained. The existing irritation was soothed, and Jackson did not receive the means to force the country into a war with France whenever his temper might run away with his judgment. The sequel of the story is interesting. The French Chambers were so far pacified