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 of the latter & is purged of the former, must be the most eligible.

In the brittish Government we have a sketch of this, far, it is true from perfect, but no despicable basis of a good one. The english constitution has been the result of repeated strugles between prince & people, but never received anything of a regular or stable form still the revolution, & yet is still short of perfection. The principal defects are pointed out by the experience of almost a century, & I believe may be reduced to two, one in the legislative the other in the executive authorities. Were elections annual, & confined to representatives for countries a & few large trading cities only, & all contributing to the support of government priviledged to elect, and had the king no command of money beyond what is requisite to the support of his family & court, suitable to the dignity of his station, I believe the constitution would approach much nearer to that degree of perfection to which sublunary things are limited. In a well regulated legislative body I conceive a third branch necessary. Montesquieu observes that a hereditary nobility is requisite in a monarchy but incompatible with a republick, taking this for granted, some degree of nobility may be proper in a mixed government, but limited, suppose not hereditary.

I shall now proceed to my scheme.

Congress has promised all those that continue in the service certain traits of land, agreable to their grades, some states have done the same, others have not, probable owing to their not having lands to give, but as all the military have equalments so have they equal claims to such rewards, therefore, they ought all to be put on a footing by the united States.

Besides those who may be actually in the service at the peace, I conceive all those dismissed, or put on half pay, through schemes of economy, have equal rights, as they being out of the service was not volontary.