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 class." Kautsky will have to realize his beloved "unity" with the Scheidemanns, Plekhanoffs, and Vanderveldes: all the lot will agree to fight for a Government "meeting the proletariat half way."

But we shall go forward to a break with these traitors to Socialism. We are working for a complete destruction of the old machinery of government, in such a way that the armed workers themselves shall be the Government, which will then be a very different thing. Kautsky may enjoy the pleasant company of the Legiens, Davids, Plekhanoffs, Potressoffs, Tseretellis and Tchernoffs, who are quite willing to work for the "rearrangement of forces within the State, … the gaining of a majority in Parliament, and the supremacy of Parliament over the Government." A most worthy object, wholly acceptable to the Opportunists, in which everything remains within the framework of a middle-class parliamentary republic.

We, however, shall go forward to a break with the Opportunists. And the whole of the class-conscious proletariat will be with us—not for "a rearrangement of forces" but for the overthrow of the capitalist class, the destruction of bourgeois parliamentarism, the building up of a democratic republic after the type of the Commune, for a republic of Soviets (Councils) of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies—the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.

Further to the "right" of Kautsky there are, in international Socialism, such tendencies as the Socialist Monthly (Socialistische Monatshefte) in Germany (Legien, David, Kolb and many others, including the Scandinavians, Stauning and Branting) ; the followers of Jaures and Vandervelde in France and Belgium; Turati, Treves and other representatives of the right wing of the Italian party; the Fabians and "Independents" (the Independent Labor Party, dependent always, as a matter of fact, on the Liberals) in England; and similar sections. All these gentry, while playing a great, very often a predominant role in parliamentary work and in the journalism of the party, decisively reject the dictatorship of the proletariat and carry out a policy of unconcealed Opportunism. In the eyes of these gentry the dictatorship of the proletariat "contradicts" democracy! There is really nothing seriously to distinguish them from the lower middle-class democrats.

Taking these circumstances into consideration we have a right to conclude that the Second International, in the persons of the overwhelming majority of its official representatives, has