Page:Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Georgia 1849.djvu/31

28 would be attended with some expense. The officers selected to impart the necessary instruction would have to be paid; and to result in much good, the encampment and protracted drills would, in many instances, be onerous on the poor man, dependent on his daily labor for support, and some allowance, in the way of defraying actual expenses, would seem proper for them. The details necessary to carry out the plan proposed, are confided to your judgment.— As every able-bodied citizen is bound to contribute to the State, in service, as well as money, his due quota, the total exemption from all military duty for twelve years in the plan proposed, except under the casualties referred to, would compensate, in a great measure, for the extra toil and labor of the term of service proposed; while, on the other hand, more reliance could be placed upon one-third of the effective force, thoroughly trained for prompt and immediate action, than upon the whole under the present organization. In governments where the popular will is consulted upon questions affecting the public weal, it is deemed of great moment to attain this object in a manner as free as possible from all undue influence and irritating excitement.—Under our free institutions especially, it is expected of every individual, in the exercise of the right of suffrage, that he will be governed by reason rather than prejudice, by patriotism rather than partizan zeal; nor should we be unmindful that upon each voter rests the responsibility of deciding for himself questions of a political character touching the welfare of the State.—No man, whatever his condition may be, can claim exemption in this respect; each individual is a component part of the State, and while it is a privilege, it is nevertheless a duty resting upon every good citizen, to act upon his own good judg- ment for the best interest of the whole. Whatever, therefore can be accomplished by you in the way of reforming existing abuses, you will doubtless undertake. Purity in elections, after all that can be achieved by wholesome legislation, may not be attainable until the public mind is brought to exert a salutary moral influence over the subject; but this should not discourage you; an evil certainly exits—corruption is seen at each returning election. A suitable appliance of money, if not at present, may, at no distant day, be regarded as the conclusive argument in favor of the pretensions of one candidate for popular favor, and against those of another—against one set of principles, and in favor of another. Will, or can, or should a government liable to be controlled by such corrupting influences, command the esteem and confidence of the good and virtuous?