Page:Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States (1st ed, 1833, vol II).djvu/450

 442 and general welfare, would," says he, "be contrary to the established rules of interpretation, as rendering the special and careful enumeration of powers, which follow the clause, nugatory and improper. Such a view of the constitution would have the effect of giving to congress a general power of legislation, instead of the defined and limited one, hitherto understood to belong to them; the terms, 'the common defence and general welfare,' embracing every object and act within the purview of a legislative trust. It would have the effect of subjecting both the constitution and laws of the several states, in all cases not specifically exempted, to be superseded by the laws of congress; it being expressly declared, that the constitution of the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges of every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. Such a view of the constitution, finally, would have the effect of excluding the judicial authority of the United States from its participation in guarding the boundary between the legislative powers of the general and state governments; inasmuch as questions relating to the general welfare, being questions of policy and expediency, are unsusceptible of judicial cognizance and decision. A restriction of the power 'to provide for the common defence and general welfare,' to cases, which are to be provided for by the expenditure of money, would still leave within the legislative power of congress all the great and most important measures of government, money being the ordinary and necessary means of carrying them into execution." It will be perceived at once, that this is the same reasoning insisted on by Mr. Madison in the Virginia Report and Resolutions, of 7th Jan. 1800; and in his Letter to Mr. Speaker Stevenson, of 27th Nov. 1830; and by the same gentleman in the Debate on the Cod-fishery Bill, in 1792. 4 Elliot's Debates, 236. § 974. The argument in favour of the power is derived, in the first place, from the language of the clause, conferring the power, (which it is admitted in its literal terms covers it; ) secondly, from the nature of the power, which renders it in the highest degree expedient, if not indispensable for the due operations of the national government; thirdly, from the early, constant and decided maintenance of it by the government and its functionaries, as well as by many of our ablest statesmen from the very commencement of the constitution. So, that it has the language and intent