Page:Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States (1st ed, 1833, vol II).djvu/140

 132 mass will be more under the influence of intrigue, than a portion of it? Is the consequence, deducible from the objection, admissible? If it is, then we must deprive the people of all choice of their public servants in all cases, where numbers are not required. What, then, is to be done in those states, where the governors are by the state constitution to be chosen by the people? Is the objection warranted by facts? The representation in the British house of commons (as has been already stated) very little exceeds the proportion of one for every thirty thousand inhabitants. Is it true, that the house of commons have elevated themselves upon the ruin of the many? Is it true, that the representatives of boroughs have been more faithful, or wise, or honest, or patriotic, than those of cities and of counties? Let us come to our own country. The districts in New-Hampshire, in which the senators are chosen immediately by the people, are nearly as large, as will be necessary for her representatives in congress. Those in Massachusetts come from districts having a larger population; and those in New-York from districts still larger. In New-York and Albany the members of assembly are elected by nearly as many voters, as will be required for a member of congress, calculating on the number of sixty-five only. In some of the counties of Pennsylvania the state representatives are elected in districts nearly as large, as those required for the federal representatives. In the city of Philadelphia (composed of sixty thousand inhabitants) every elector has a right to vote for each of the representatives in the state legislature; and actually elects a single member to the executive council. These are facts, which