Page:Imperial Dictionary of Universal Biography Volume 1.pdf/215

ARA on the average, as an axiom, that every Frenchman of ability and uprightness is by nature a republican. Exceptions arise—for instance, in the case of Guizot, whose temper of mind, however, brings him rather within the type of the new Genevan Puritans, than of Frenchmen as they are. But this republicanism is much more the expression of a thirst after equality, than a thirst after liberty. The Celtic race does not appear to object in the main to rigorous central despotism, provided, under that despotism, all citizens are treated alike · although it cannot be questioned that these forms and possessors of central power, have ever been obeyed most loyally, when they knew to mingle with the claim to allegiance, the gratification they offered to a sense of national glory, or some other of those sentiments that bear so large a sway over the judgments of our gallant, but restless and impulsive neighbours. Legendre, we have seen, doubted the citizenship of Arago; assuredly the academician turned out as strong a Frenchman in all things as Legendre, or any one else, could in conscience desire. As pupil of the Polytechnic School, Arago was the first on the list of the protesters against the assumption by the first Consul, of the Imperial Purple. Napoleon, although the reverse of generous to those disposed to thwart his will, was swayed on this occasion by one of the contradictions that made up his extraordinary nature; he respected the courage of young Arago, probably because he had recognized his genius. A very expressive anecdote, narrated in the "Autobiography," relating to the period now spoken of merits repetition. A large number of the pupils of the famous school, refused to concur in the vapid adulations of other constituted bodies. General Lacuee, governor of the Polytechnic, stated the case as it stood to the emperor. "Monsieur Lacuee," exclaimed Napoleon, in the midst of a group of courtiers, who applauded by word and gesture—"Monsieur Lacuee, you must not permit these wild republicans to continue in the Ecole Polytechnique—you must expel them! Bring me, to-morrow, a list of their names, and their rank as to promotion." On receiving the list next day, he did not pass farther than the name of the pupil at the top, whose rank was " in the Artillery." "I cannot expel those who are first in merit: would that these republicans had been at the bottom (à la queue). M. Lacuee, let the affair remain as it is!" Napoleon, we have said, was a mass of contradictions. Despot or not, he had a distinctive idolatry—the worship of the head. There are countries where the fetichism is different,—where the sacred order is the group around the tail. Arago did not enter much into active political life until during the latter years of the reign of Louis Philippe. It were not easy to measure the calamities to France arising from sad defects in the character of this monarch. Correct as to all minor matters, unimpeachable as to private decorum, and with a certain inclination towards liberalism, he never touched one sentiment in the hearts of Frenchmen; and his liberalism stopped quite short at the very moment when larger views might have saved his throne. Private virtues are not always public benefits. Louis was thrifty (all praise to him therefore!), but in France there is little hope for a huxter-king. He was not fortunate in his counsellors. Possessed of more generosity and of a larger nature, he might have obtained good counsellors. As it was, his choice lay between two men—the Genevan Guizot, more, with all his great ability, of a Puritanic schoolmaster than a Statesman, and another—a Frenchman in the worst sense, as well as in a few good senses—of brilliant talents, exciting as an orator, rapid and flashy as a writer, quick to seize the impulse of occasion, but in principle very loose, and nothing as to character We refer of course to Thiers, author of "History of the Republic, Consulate, and Empire." An agitation that ultimately overthrew Louis Philippe—a simple, constitutional, and safe agitation for an extension of the suffrage—began in France. Arago joined in the movement. He, as well as others, was tired of a huxter-sovereignty, and a huxter-constituency: he longed for the infusion into that constituency of a portion of a class not subject to the influences in presence of which Louis Philippe's favourite shopkeepers were always ready to bow. He spoke with great effect, first, we believe, in 1840; and his decision and ability drew the public attention strongly towards him, as one whose resolution and firmness gave ground for good hope. It is not needful to recapitulate the events of 1848, nor to resurvey the sad disasters that have followed them. Arago was Minister of Marine and War under the revolutionary regime; and he necessarily accepted the responsibility of the fearful and most fatal blunders of that government. It may not become us, who have been led by gradual steps—by the long process and teaching of experiment—to the precious practical securities we enjoy, to criticise over-severely the mistakes of men, who, untaught by sure experience, came to confound the desirable with the practicable. It is well that a writer should urge his countrymen onward, and prepare in so far as in him lies for the advent of republicanism. For the statesman on the contrary the question is, has republicanism become possible? We cannot establish social, and therefore political equality, by edicts. The United States of America stand securely on their republicanism, just because of this; inequality of wealth even, does not destroy the personal independence of the workman; no man there, however rich, but has as much need of a workman as a workman has of him. Give us an opposite state of things: give us a social condition, in which wealth can command the workman, or in which a powerful priesthood has fixed the allegiance of the mass,—then mental subservience in all things comes through force of habit; political independence is impracticable, and a republic is the sheerest of chimeras.—Let us pass, however, from a subject which is very painful. In his personal relations Arago was most estimable—impetuous certainly, but always kind. The fact that a discoverer was a Frenchman, certainly did, not unfrequently, influence his first impressions as to the merit of the discovery, but he generally repaired the wrong. The few affecting sentences pronounced by M. Barral over the grave of his teacher, will not improperly conclude this notice:—"Illustrious Master, Much-loved Master, Noble Citizen,—It is a duty, and, at the same time, a very sad honour, for me to express a sentiment which now fills every heart. Thy constant solicitude for the progress of human knowledge has always induced thee to take the young by the hand, and to inspire them with thy passion for science. On the eve of thy death the last word which thou spokest to us was 'Work, work diligently!' This sublime lesson will remain engraven on the heart of every young philosopher. They will feel compelled to follow the path which thy genius has opened. In falling asleep into immortality, thou hast desired to teach them, that work is the only means of rendering service to their country and to humanity. Thanks on their behalf—Adieu in the name of youth, in the name of its admiration of thee—of its love for thy memory. I tell it thee, and thou mayest count upon it. Adieu!"—J. P N.  * ARAGO,, son of the preceding, was born in 1812, adopted the profession of advocate, and began his career at the age of twenty-four. He early displayed a political enthusiasm of the most democratic character, and, previously to the revolution of 1848, frequently signalized himself in political processes as much by his sympathy for the accused as by his vigorous rhetoric. On the 24th February, 1848, along with Sarrans the younger, Chaix, and Dumeril, he entered the chamber of deputies and protested against the regency named by Louis Philippe. Lamartine, Ledru Rollin, and other representatives, supported the protest, and the provisional government was forthwith constituted. Four days after, Arago repaired to Lyons with the powers of commissary-general. His next employment was a mission to the court of Berlin, previously to which he had been elected representative of a department. Since the election of Louis Napoleon, he has offered an uncompromising opposition to the measures of government.—J. S., G.  * ARAGO,, a French dramatist, born at Perpignan in 1803, while director of the Theatre du Vaudeville took an active part in the revolution of 1830, and in the insurrections of June, 1832, and April, 1834; but losing his license in 1840 in consequence of his hostility to the government, he supported himself by writing for various journals till 1848, when he became postmaster-general under the republic. He was exiled in 1849 for his share in the insurrection of 13th June, headed by Ledru Rollin. His dramatic pieces, chiefly vaudevilles, number a hundred and twenty, of which "Les Aristocrates," his last and only unassisted effort, is the most popular.—J. S., G.  * ARAGO,, a French traveller and litterateur, brother of the preceding, born at Estagel in 1790, has published, besides several theatrical pieces, 1. "Promenade autour du monde pendant les annees, 1817-1820;" 2. "Voyage autour du monde," 1838.—J. S., G.  ARAGO,, a French general, distinguished under Santa Anna in the war of Mexican independence, was born at Estagel in 1788; died in 1836.—J. S., G. 