Page:Impeachment of Donald J. Trump, President of the United States — Report of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives.pdf/55

 Magistrate in foreign pay, without being able to guard against it by displacing him." In the same vein, Franklin noted "the case of the Prince of Orange during the late war," in which a Dutch prince reneged on a military treaty with France. Because there was no impeachment power or other method of inquiry, the prince's motives were secret and untested, drastically destabilizing Dutch politics and giving "birth to the most violent animosities and contentions."

Impeachment for betrayal of the Nation's interest—and especially for betrayal of national security and foreign policy—was hardly exotic to the Framers. "The history of impeachment over the centuries shows an abiding awareness of how vulnerable the practice of foreign policy is to the misconduct of its makers." Indeed, "impeachments on this ground were a constant of parliamentary practice," and "a string of British ministers and royal advisors were impeached for using their official powers contrary to the country's vital foreign interests." Although the Framers did not intend impeachment for genuine, good faith disagreements between the President and Congress over matters of diplomacy, they were explicit that betrayal of the Nation through plots with foreign powers justified removal.

In particular, foreign interference in the American political system was among the gravest dangers feared by the Founders of our Nation and the Framers of our Constitution. For example, in a letter to Thomas Jefferson, John Adams wrote: "You are apprehensive of foreign Interference, Intrigue, Influence. So am I.—But, as often as Elections happen, the danger of foreign Influence recurs." And in Federalist No. 68, Hamilton cautioned that the "most deadly adversaries of republican government" may come "chiefly from the desire in foreign powers to gain an improper ascendant in our councils.

The President's important role in foreign affairs does not disable the House from evaluating whether he committed impeachable offenses in that field. This conclusion follows from the Impeachment Clause itself but is also supported by the Constitution's many grants of power to Congress addressing foreign affairs. Congress is empowered to "declare War," "regulate Commerce with foreign Nations," "establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization," "define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations," "grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal," and "make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces." Congress also has the power to set policy, define law, undertake oversight and investigations, create