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NO. 1 kīcikīgänowänemgⁱ : kīci, äne, and m have been explained above, and w has been referred to; gⁱ is a termination of the conjunctive mode showing that is the subject and  (animate) the object; kīgänu is a verbal stem. Observe that no subjective pronouns in the object-clause are expressed. In a way, it resembles accusative and infinitive construction in Latin indirect discourse. Nearly allied is nepecigwänemegōtugᵉ. The analysis is: ne—gō for ne—gwᵃ (§28) before the affix tugᵉ, the phonetics are not treated in the Fox sketch; äneme, explained above; pecigw for pecigwi before a vowel; pecigwi means in the moral sense. Compare kepecigwtcämegumniwītmōnepwᵃ, a compound of the type discussed above (tcā, megu, mni, included within a verbal compound; ke—nepwᵃ,§28; mō, §34; stem probably wī, not wīt as in §16; t, §21), and pecigwimegᵘ me‘tosäneniwigwäni.

Another novel type of composition is cdgwdnemowindgwAtw* IT SEEMS THAT THEY ARE UNWILLING: cdgw, UNWILLING, 16; dne,

MENTAL ACTIVITY, IQ; mo, 21, 40; W* is

the inanimate singular pronoun of the inde- pendent mode, 28; ndgwAt cannot be analyzed in a completely satisfactory manner, but it is evident that it is to be connected with a stem nagu APPEARANCE, LOOK ( 18), which apparently cannot occur in initial positions; and at the same time the posterior portion resembles the copula gin At, 20; it is possible that ndgwAtis for *nagugwAt (cf. 13); but it is also possible that we have a copula At, for all inanimate copulas are not given in 20 (for instance, / in mydnetw' IT is BAD as con- trasted with myanesivf HE is BAD) ; and it will be noted that the animate copula si goes with nagu. [Ojibwa has a formation that corre- sponds exactly to ndgwAt. April, 1917.] Note

��that cdgwdnemo starts out just as if animate intransitive verbal pronouns were to be im- mediately suffixed, whereas none are. The element wi is at present completely obscure, though it may be cognate to the w mentioned above, and compare the w in two examples below. Observe, furthermore, that a verbal stem is found fartheron in the compound, which is quite contrary to the ordinary views of Algonquian grammar. The two examples re- ferred to above are wi'tAcimAmdtumowApitc'HE SHALL SIT IN WORSHIP THERE and mAmdtumo-

witdhdtC* HE IS PRAYERFUL IN FEELING. We

cannot tell whether the element is w or wi; for the i, in any case, would be elided before the A of Api TO SIT ( 16) and itd TO FEEL ( 18). The analysis otherwise is wi tc', 29; tAci THERE, 16; OT/I, 25; matu PRAY, a verbal stem of considerable independence, 16; mo, 21, 40; Api, a verbal stem of considerable independence, 16; itd, a verbal stem of apparently limited position, 18; tc*, 29; hd, a connective stem, practically a copula, 20. Observe that both these compounds start out as if animate intransitive verbal pronouns were immediately to follow, whereas they do not; and other verbal stems occur farther on in the compounds, which are the same anomalies as those referred to above. Yet another novel type of composition is kewltcitcamegutdpesimenepw" I AM INDEED TRULY HAPPY WITH YOU. The inclusion of the particles tea VERILY, TRULY, and megu, is of the type discussed above. The analysis of the other elements is: ke nepw", the sub- jective and objective pronouns of the entire complex, 28; wi, initial stem, meaning ASSOCIATION; tci, the same element as appears in conjunction with pyd (pydtci), sagi (sdgitci), etc., the exact meaning of which is unknown, and probably is conventionalized in use; tape, an initial stem HAPPY; si, the copula, 20; m, to transitivize the verb, 37; e, to prevent the combination mn, 8. Observe that in this compound we have the copula immediately before the transitivizing suffix.

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