Page:IJAL vol 1.djvu/309

 NO. 4

��TWO PHONETIC SHIFTS OCCURRING IN MANY ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES

��301

��Algonkin. . . aw Potawatomi. mi> [aw]

Peoria aw

Delaware. . . aw

��> o [= o] before n a [= a

��>

��] before g, t, d

��> d [ a] before k [g]

> o before /

> a fa) before fe [= A, not ff]

> o before 7

> a before^

��It will be recalled that Shawnee, Peoria, and Delaware / corresponds to n ot the other dia- lects. I have not discussed the Cree examples that may'be extracted from Horden's grammar, as I do not know how to interpret the forms (see pp. 153, 154, et seq. Note netoshetozvow but nttoshetwak, etc.).

FOX

aneno'taivaic' HOW SHE UNDERSTOOD HIM 224. 5, 'agu'i pwdwineno'tonAgivin"" HE WILL NOT FAIL TO UNDERSTAND us, keneno'tdgiindn'"" HE UNDER- STANDS us ; netdtawaut" i BROUGT THIS ON HIM

190.6, '(ftdtaU&Wi&tt?' HOW THEY TREATED HIM;

a'i'cimemvitotawiyaguf BY THE KINDESS THAT YE HAVE DONE ME 180.13, 'd'totonAgo""" HOW i TREATED YOU, dgwi nAndciniydcitotdtiu'dtcin' THEY

NEVER ILL-TREATED EACH OTHER 148.3, 'd'tdtti- gOWd d tc" HOW THEY WERE TREATED BY ; kldse-

tawiyagu* WHAT YE HAVE SET FOR ME 374.19, kekl'cisetdgundn""' HE HAS SET IT FOR us, dneckisetotc' HE SPREAD IT OPEN 172.10; dnotawatc' WHEN HE HEARD HIM 110.16, neteci- notdgdpen" SUCH is THE RUMOR WE HAVE HEARD

154.7, dnStdgdtC' WHEN SHE HEARD THE NEWS

170.19 ; nodclganitc' WHEN HE HEARD THE NEWS 146.14, d'pydtciiidtdgitsinitc' HE WAS HEARD AP- PROACHING 156.22 ; Ind'pydnutau'dtc' WHEN HE CAME TO HIM THERE 368.21, pyanntagiitcini THE

ONE BY WHOM SHE WAS VISITED 154.2,5, pydtlU-

tagute" SHE WAS VISITED BY 1 54. io, wi'pydnu- tdgog' [so read] THEY WILL BE VISITED BY 184. 14, lualcipyanutunAguuS [read -toriAgdu/] WHY i CAME TO VISIT YOU 178.10; a'kiciketeminauAivdt^ FOR THEY HAVE PITIED ME 186.18, d'kicilrdgiketemi-

��THEY HAVE ALL BLESSED ME 184.7,

ii'iketeminau'iyAn* THAT YOU WILL TAKE PITY ON ME 380.2, keketeminonep"'"' i BLESS YOU, neketemi-

ndgOg' THEY HAVE BLESSED ME 376.8, kldtcagl-

ketcniinagu d tc'' AFTER HE HAD BEEN BLESSED BY ALL ; anaghkmvatc HE MET HER 208.19, anAgis- kdgutc HE WAS MET BY 2o8.i^(, d'pydtdnagtskd- kuwatc THEY CAME TO MEET THEM [a passive in formation] 218.12 ; dgwiydp' ivigetawitcini HE

NOT SO MUCH AS GAVE ME EVEN A REPLY 368.!,

d'ptvaii'iwigetdgutc' WHEN HE GOT NO REPLY FROM HIM 360.24 ; neneskinawaw a \ LOATHE HIM 68.14, aneskinau'Mc' FOR THAT YOU LOATHE HIM 68.17,20, wdtcineskinfman' [read -nondn r \ WHY i HATE THEE 140.4, kme'ckino'ii 1 ' i HATE THEE, kene'ckitidgundn"'" HE HATES us ; d'kaske'tawcltc

SHE HEARD THEM 222.8, ka'cke'td'gn'sT 1 "'" HE IS

HEARD, kd i cke'tag h ""' HE is HEARD BY; keki'ci'ta'- u'ipen""' YE MADE IT FOR us, ktki'ci'td'n' i MADE

IT FOR THEE, mki'd'td.' g kwa( HE MADE IT FORME,

neki' ci'ta 'gundn'"" HE MADE IT FOR us (exclusive);

md'ki't&g&W&t" IF THEY MADE A SUDDEN ASSAULT

[contrast this with Cree (from Lacombe) mos- kistawew IL FONCE SUR LUI and Ojibwa (from Baraga) ninmdkilawa i RUSH UPON HIM SUDDEN- LY]. In the Algonquian sketch in the Handbook of American Indian Languages, part I, para- graph 34 I mentioned the use of -Amd- beside -Amaw-, -Amd- in the double object construc- tion. At the time I was unable to explain its use. It is now apparent that -amfl- is simply due to the operation of phonetic law. An example from the sketch is niivitamagwa-md OF COURSE HE WILL TELL ME IT as contrasted with awitAmman'

I TELL IT TO THEE, klWitAmawciw a THOU WILT

TELL IT TO HIM. Other examples can be readily found in the sketch. It is probable that -td- discussed in the same section is to be explained as being a phonetic reflex, and corresponds to -law- before vowels, and -to- before certain consonants. [It may be observed that d'tota'utc

HOW HE HAD BEEN TREATED 204.14)5 an error

for d'totau'iitc as is dtotalmtc HOW SHE WAS

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