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��TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS

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��xe'xotEm, GIRL (she'utem= LARGE GIRL Kalispelm) Compare: GIRL: xi'xotEtn in Sans Poll, Col- ville, Lake; ce"cuEtEm in Spokane, Pois d'Oreille, Coeur d'Alene.

In the following two words the diminutive is formed by a process of end-reduplication : mEkwi'ut, MOUNTAIN; mukwl'woat, HILL B. skukEma'met, INFANT (from sku'kamet) B.

The plural of the diminutive is formed in the following example by a double reduplication: xe'xotEm, GIRL; pi., xExe'oxotEm B.

Compare: Kalispelm: sheushu'tem, LITTLE GIRLS G.

The plural of tEtuwe't, BOY, is to'tuit B. This appears to be an irregular formation.

KALISPELM

Giorda's dictionary of the Kalispelm offers much material for the study of the systems of reduplication in this dialect. The phonetics as well as the English translations in this dic- tionary are often deficient. In extracting the material of interest to us I have not changed the phonetic transcription used by Giorda. It must be borne in mind that his g = x (orx),k = korq.ch = tc.sh = c, z = ts.gu = x, and ' often represents an obscure vowel.

The references given in the discussion below refer to the pages of the Kalispelm-English section of Giorda's dictionary. Giorda dis- cusses the types of reduplication on pp. 34 and 35 of the appendix.

The fundamental type of plural formation is the reduplication of the stem including the consonant after the vowel. The accent re- mains normally in its original position.

smo'lemen, LANCE; pi., smlmo'lemen p. 530

se'me, WHITE MAN; pi., s'mse'me p. 499

ske'Itich, FLESH, BODY; pi., skalke'ltich p. 274

koelzen, FIR TREE; pi., kolkoeMzen p. 284

s'chitemi'p, CLOUD; pi., s'chitemtemi'p p. 494

moko, MOUNTAIN; pi., mkomo'k p. 398

ni'chemen, SAW; pi., nchni'chemen p. 413

szolem, BULL; pi., sz'lzo'lem p. 544

sko'i, MOTHER; pi., sko'iko'i p. 292

koleuie, ONION; pi., kolkole'uie p. 306

��kali'i, LAKE; pi., chilkalkali'i snaze'ne, EARRING; pi. snazaze'ne

(az = (root) TO TIE ; sn are prefixes) golko, WHEEL; pi., go'lgo'lko chkai'tmen, HOOK; pi., chkatkai'tmen sge'lui, HUSBAND; pi., sgalge'lu galegu, TOOTH; pi., galgale'gu oli'n, BELLY; pi., ololi'n ies-ila'ganem, I STRIKE HIS ARM ies-nilila'ganem, i STRIKE BOTH ARMS chin-u'gchst, MY HAND is FROZEN chin-ugu'gchst, MY HANDS ARE FROZEN

��P-257 P- 3i

p. 184 p. 86

P- 159 p. 140 p. 441

P-233 p. 607

��P-459 p. 528 p. 460 P-494 JP- 619

548

��In the following examples z. becomes t in the reduplicating syllable; compare: sgutle'chst, SHOULDER BLADE; pi., sgutgutle'chst p. 504 skutlu's, FACE; pi., skutkutlu's p. 529

In some plurals the consonant following the vowel is not included in the reduplication. In these cases, too, the accent seems to remain normally in the position it has in the simplex and is not thrown backward as in the diminu- tive reduplication.

peninch, LIVER; pi., papeni'nch

skoalshi'n, CRANE; pi., skokoalshi'n

pia'k, RIPE; pi., pipia'k

s'che'it, SPIDER; pi., s'chiche'it

chines-chzalu'si, i HAVE A SORE EYE

chin-chzazalu's, i HAVE SORE EYES zal (root) = SORE

chines-tapmi'ni, i SHOOT AN ARROW

chines-tatapmini, I SHOOT ARROWS tap (root) = TO SHOOT

As far as I can see from Giorda's material the plural reduplication in Kalispelm does not normally seem to extend beyond the stem and to include the initial sound of a suffix. Where the stem consists only of a consonant and a vowel the reduplication is restricted to it. See for instance:

s'che'ilegu, SHADY PLACE; pi., s'chicheile'gu p. 494

-ilegu= suffix for PLACE szoshin, LEG, FOOT; pi., szozooshi'n p. 545

-shin= suffix for FOOT

s'chua'gan, ARM; pi., s'chuchua'gan p. 494

s'chaupu's, TEAR; pi., s'chauaupu's p. 22

-au = (root) TO FALL IN DROPS

Possibly the following may be an exception to this rule:

sups, TAIL; pi., spsups p. 543

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