Page:History of the United States of America, Spencer, v1.djvu/389

] own; and at their pleasure they will take from us our charters, or written civil constitution, which we love as our lives; also our plantations, or houses, and goods,, whenever they please, without asking our leave. They tell us that our vessels may go to that or this island in the sea, but to this or that particular island we shall not trade any more; and, in case of our non-compliance with these new orders, they shut up our harbors. Brothers, we live on the same ground with you; the same land is our common birth-place. We desire to sit down under the same tree of peace with you; let us water its roots, and cherish the growth, till the large leaves and nourishing branches shall extend to the setting sun, and reach the skies. If any thing disagreeable should ever fall out between us, the Twelve United Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our peace, let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From the present situation of our affairs, we judge it expedient to kindle up a small fire at Albany, where we may hear each others' voice, and disclose our minds fully to one another."

A similar talk was prepared for the other Indian nations, and it was trusted that their neutrality might be secured. We are sorry to state, however, that through the powerful influence of Col. Guy Johnson, Intendant-general of the King for Indian Affairs, the Six Nations, who were bigotedly attached to the Johnson family, were induced to offer their aid to General Carleton, at Montreal, against the Americans. This, says Holmes, was the origin of the Indian war.

Early in July, Georgia entered into the opposition made to the claims of the British Parliament to tax America, and chose delegates to Congress; after which the style of "" was assumed, and, by that title the English provinces, confederated and in arms, were thenceforth designated. Lord North's plan for conciliation was taken up and discussed in Congress. After full examination, its want of definiteness, and its consequently unsatisfactory character, were pointed out, and it was rejected. During the month of August, Congress took a recess, and, early in September, reassembled, the Georgia delegates being present in their seats.

The position of Washington was in no respect to be envied. In Congress there was a considerable amount of jealous apprehension of military power, and a fear that the temptation to undue exercise of that power might lead even the great hero and patriot Commander-in-chief somewhat astray. A standing army was a terrible spectre to their imaginations, and it was not without extreme difficulty, that Washington could bring them to realize the conviction in his own mind that the cause was hopeless, unless he could have an army of sufficient size, and enlisted to serve for the whole time of the war.