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 the speech of Mr. Bankes, but commented with some severity on his admission that the condition of the labourers of Dorsetshire was still most deplorable, and deserving the commiseration of the House. He then pointed out the inconsistencies of which Sir J. Graham had been guilty in his speech of that evening. Sir James had told them that industry ought to have its own cours —that what was true of manufacturing, was also true of agricultural industry—and that protection was injurious to the landowner. He had, therefore, expected that Sir James Graham, if he did not go along with him in his proposition for a moderate fixed duty, with Mr. Villiers for a total repeal of the Corn Laws, would, at any rate, propose some scheme by which the existing protection would be diminished, and by which some advances might be made in that approach to free trade which all parties deemed so desirable. There was nothing in Sir James Graham's past conduct to render such a supposition unnatural, or such an alteration of his policy impracticable. from that point, however, he suddenly started off, and used against the motion all the arguments which had ever been urged in behalf of Corn Law protection. With regard to the motion of Mr. Villiers, he had only to observe, that his first two resolutions were in accordance with those which he (Lord John Russell) had proposed a few nights ago; and as his honourable friend proposed to consider in committee his third resolution: "That it is expedient that all restrictions on corn should be now abolished," he (Lord John Russell) felt himself at liberty to go into committee with him, and to consider in what way a relaxation of the Corn Law should be made. The Corn Law, as it now stood, was vicious in principle, and could not be long maintained in its present condition. He saw its fall indicated not only by the vigour of the attacks made upon it, but also by the feebleness of the defence offered for it; and he therefore warned the country gentlemen to pause