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 which were not protected we had a large supply, and our experience on that head formed a conclusive argument as regarded the fears of the right honourable baronet—an argument which was a thousand times more conclusive than the prophecies of the right honourable baronet as to the dreadful effects which might be expected to follow the abolition of the monopoly in corn. The right honourable baronet spoke as if he believed that, in consequence of the abolition of the Corn Laws, there would be a suspension of labour. Did the right honourable baronet know that the whole number of persons who were engaged in producing the 2,000,000 quarters of corn, which he spoke of, was not as great as the number of persons who were thrown out of employment probably in one town in this country by the state of things caused by this monopoly, like Sheffield, Leeds, or Stockport? But he was certain he could name two towns at least in which a number of the population were thrown out of employment in 1841 and 1842, greater than the whole number of individuals who were directly employed in producing 2,000,000 quarters of corn. They could not find 23,000 persons in any part of England employed directly in the cultivation of 2,000,000 quarters of wheat, and yet that number of persons had been thrown out of employment in one or two towns in 1841. Mr. Bright then addressed himself to the agriculturists in the House, and adduced numerous instances of greatly increased importation of articles, the produce of the soil, which had not at all injured the interests of agriculture. He warned them that there was a strong feeling throughout the country against protection, and that it would not be safe to despise it. In allusion to the bazaar, and its success as an indication of public opinion and feeling, he said:—

"It was easy to sneer at these things, but there was ons member opposite who would not sneer at them, and that was the right honourable baronet who led their party. He knew better than to steer at the