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 The noble lord, however, in arguing for a fixed duty, had adduced a powerful reason for a graduated scale, when he expressed his fears that a total repeal would lead to a glut without cheapness, and ruin to the agriculturist without advantage to the community. Adverting to the alleged promise of a price from 54s. to 58s., as the result of the Corn Law of 1842, he read the passage of his speech, to show that it bore no such construction. They were taunted with their 'predictions;' but Mr. Cobden and his friends had uttered predictions of impending ruin to trade and commerce, which no modification of the sliding scale could avert or protract. Yet, since the passing of the law of 1842, there had been a great increase and improvement in all the leading branches of our manufacturing industry. Lord Howick affirmed the right of the working man to expect 'a fair day's wages for a fair day's work,' from the legislature—a benefit which no legislature can secure, and no state of society—as witness the United States—could permanently afford. He therefore deprecated the holding out expectations which could not be realised, and the disappointment of which might lead to dangerous results. As to the Corn Law, the Government did not intend to alter it, or diminish the amount of protection afforded to agriculture"

Mr. Bright followed Sir Robert Peel, in a very telling speech:—

"Mr. Bright said:— I would not willingly occupy any of the time of the House at this late hour, did I not feel that my duty requires me to make some observations on the important question before the House, and especially after the speech which the right honourable baronet has just delivered. It is generally advantageous to have a speech from the right honourable baronet on this question; he narrows the ground upon which he is willing to defend the Corn Law. Three years ago, at the celebrated Tamworth dinner, the plea of special burdens was used as making it needful to give a higher protection than 8s. per quarter to agriculture. The special burdens were not pointed out. We could not get at them; but now the right honourable gentleman has summed them up in the imposition of the rate for the relief of the poor. (No, no.) I have no wish to misrepresent the right honourable gentleman, but this I understood him to say. Now, the noble lord the Secretary for the Colonies comes from a county where the landed interest are not quite so all-powerful as in some other counties—where there is other property than that which consists in acres—and he might have informed his honourable colleague that in that county there are poor's rates to pay as well as in the counties where agriculture is the chief pursuit. The manfacturer who has a mill pays the poor's rate on the