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When discussing the Address-in-Reply, Mr. D.K. Congdon regretted that His Excellency had held out this threat of separation. Mr. Parker presented the petition from Perth citizens, and Mr. Hensman felicitously put it that the granting of Responsible Government was not so much to be considered a boon as the right of English people, wherever they dwelt, whenever they reached those numbers at which they were capable of governing themselves. In his opinion, no Western Australian Government would ever think of separating the north from the south, or vice versa, unless they desired it.

The address from the House, asked for by Governor Broome, was quickly carried. The change in public opinion was manifested in a reversal of the vote of 1886. Mr. S.H. Parker, who had been so earnest in the cause, very properly sponsored that motion which started the train of events leading to self-government. On 6th July, 1887, he moved—"That in the opinion of this Council the time has arrived when the Executive should be made responsible to the Legislature of the colony." A long debate followed, and the principle was affirmed by thirteen votes to four. The official members again abstained from voting; the division list was:—Ayes— Sir T.C. Campbell, Captain Fawcett, Messrs. Congdon, A. Forrest, Hensman, Keane, Layman, McRae, Pearce, Scott, Sholl, Venn, and S.H. Parker. Noes—Messrs. H. Brockman, E.R. Brockman, Loton, and Randell. Applying itself to the argument given such prominence to by the Secretary for the Colonies, the House agreed on the voices that Western Australia "should remain one and undivided under the new constitution". Before the end of the discussion Mr. Venn moved an address that His Excellency be pleased to take the necessary steps to carry the wishes of the House into effect, which was also carried on the voices. On 8th July Governor Broome, in a message to the Legislative Council, promised to transmit these resolutions to the Secretary of State by the next mail, with the request that the views of Her Majesty's Government should be communicated at an early date.

Another session of the Council was held in 1887, and in December important references were made by members to Responsible Government. The Secretary for the Colonies had answered the resolutions carried in a former session by statements in two cablegrams—first, that he approved of their principle; and, secondly, that legislation on such a question was just then premature. At the same time he, inferentially, promised to send a comprehensive despatch on the subject, but legislators had to wait much longer for it than they appreciated. Mr. Parker gave voice to his feelings, and Mr. Hensman followed in a similar strain. Requests for loans for public works were refused by the Secretary for the Colonies, who hinted that further burdens should not be imposed on Western Australia until the new form of government had been established. Mr. Hensman said that, on the one hand, there was a Governor informing the Secretary of State that the days of the existing constitution were ended, and on the other, there was a Secretary of State crying—"You shall not have another loan; you shall not have any large public works; you shall not move the colony forward as you desire—no activity, no life, no energy, no enterprise—until you have Responsible Government, or until some other change in the present form of government accrues." Then, notwithstanding all these things, the Secretary of State said that it was premature for the colony to attempt any legislation in such a direction. On 1st December, Mr. Parker moved in the Council that "This House regrets that His Excellency the Governor has not yet been informed of the views of the Imperial authorities on the subject of Responsible Government and before providing for the financial requirements of 1888, requests to be informed of the date on which such views may be definitely expected." Several members thought the words concerning "financial requirements" might be construed into a threat, but after a short and spirited debate, the motion was carried, and was subsequently wired to the Secretary for the Colonies.

The English Government, like a timid blacksmith with a horseshoe, seemed afraid of touching the question for fear it would burn. The Secretary for the Colonies walked around it, and looked at it fearsomely, and then waited for it to cool. Although the House of Commons is noted for its recognition of the rights of the subject, it is, nevertheless, extremely chary in making constitutional changes. Sir H. Holland, who took over the Colonial Office in 1887, was kept busy with very important matters, and did not relish the probability of a fight to obtain a new constitution for one of the Crown colonies. Even though this was a subject of supreme importance to Western Australia, he was willing to pass it over and pursue his other duties. Little account was taken of the feelings of the remote people. His procrastination caused grave disappointment. On 12th July, 1887, a few days after the carrying of Mr. Parker's previous resolution, Governor Broome wrote to the Secretary for the Colonies upon the whole agitation. He still gave great prominence to the separation question, which, indeed, subsequently became one of the chief subjects of contention in the negotiations between the colony and the Imperial Government. He again declared that the subdivision of Western Australia into two or more colonies was inevitable. The continued progress and development of the Northern territory, he believed, might bring it about at an early date. Any new constitution should, in his opinion, contain a clause empowering Her Majesty's Government to alter the boundaries at any time; nor should the question of separation be left dependent on the vote of the local legislature. He then advised the establishment of a board to protect the aborigines, especially those inhabiting the northern parts of the colony. As to the constitution, he suggested that it comprise two chambers, an Upper and a Lower House, the voting qualifications for which should be left to the local legislature to decide. Finally, he thought that Responsible Government might be rejected if separation was demanded by the Imprerial Government as a consequence.

After delaying his reply for a few months, Sir H. Holland finally penned a despatch, tentatively agreeing to the establishment of Responsible Government, but referring to the whole movement in an inconclusive manner. The people were little nearer a change than before it was written. He admitted that within "reasonable geographical limits" a population of 40,000 persons, raising a revenue of £400,000, might, prima facie, be regarded as capable of managing its own affairs, but it was another matter to hand over to so small a number, mostly resident in one corner, the control of the future destinies of an enormous territory, presumably able to support some millions of inhabitants. Representations had been made to Her Majesty's Government, he contended, urging that the northern portion of the colony should not be placed under the control of a Parliament elected by the present small population, resident for the most part in the southern districts. Then he proposed that all the Crown lands north of latitude 26, in the vicinity of the Murchison River, should remain under the control of Her Majesty's Government, and that the proceeds of these lands should be invested at interest for the benefit of any colony or colonies, which might afterwards be created. There was little else in this despatch and the whole tenor of it was not warranted to fill the people with gratitude. Undoubtedly, there were strong arguments—although the Secretary for