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 "revolutionary" government, and was one of the last to leave it, and most unwillingly too. On his arrival in Moscow to the Second Congress of the Communist International, Dittmann was so unpleasantly obsequious to all of us, that we really felt ashamed of him. So long as he thought that we would not force him to say yes or no, that he and his friends would succeed in slipping into the Third International, Dittmann was all honey, he was simply sickening. We often said to each other: "This man always wants to ingratiate himself with those whom he expects will be useful to him." But it soon dawned on Dittmann that neither he nor his friends would succeed in wriggling themselves into the Third International. It is remarkable how this petty philistine and big mischief-maker avenged himself. An unimportant incident with a few dozen German emigrant workers was exaggerated by Dittmann into a big "affair." He collected "spurious material" from calumniators and sycophants (like Martov), took them carefully to Germany and there, immediately on his arrival, with a maliciousness natural to little minds, hurled that stink-bomb at Soviet Russia. From that time, needless to add, he became the idol of all the counter-revolutionary rabble of Germany. He was carried shoulder high, he was declared the only worthy statesman, his calumnies were reprinted by the anti-Bolshevik League and published by means of social posters.

Who gave him the so-called "material"? Apparently Martov was among his principal agents. The authenticity of the "material" published by Dittmann may be judged by the following: that gentleman dares to affirm that in our party (i.e., in the Russian Communist Party) out of a total of 600,000 members 418,000 are Soviet employees and only 12 per cent, are workers! These "data," Dittmann barefacedly asserts, were published by the Central Committee of our Party. The other information gathered and published by Dittmann is equally authentic.

When I publicly challenged him from the platform of the party congress to enter into a public debate with me on the question of the conditions in Soviet Russia. Dittmann preferred to be silent. When the organisers of the meeting in Berlin