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 PHILIP SNOWDEN

man in a public position can speak upon the topic which is now absorbing all our thoughts without a deep sense of the grave responsibility attaching to his words. I think that, from some points of view, the present is not a favourable moment for the critical discussion of the causes—complex and difficult to understand—which in combination with each other have brought about this terrible catastrophe, which for the time being has submerged democracy, religion and civilization itself. There was a time, I believe, in the few fateful days when the peace of Europe was trembling in the balance, when the united voices of the European democracies and the joint efforts of all the Christian Churches of Europe might have averted the outbreak of war. But the thing came upon the world so suddenly, that the people were dazed and stupefied, and before the democratic, religious and pacifist forces could be mobilized the intrigues of monarchs, diplomatists, and militarists let loose the dogs of war. Although I do not agree with, I can well understand those who, when war was declared, took the view that the situation was then completely changed, and that national patriotism, national security, and the higher interests of liberty and democratic freedom impelled them to abandon the peace principles and internationalism for which they had previously stood, and to concentrate their minds and efforts on the successful prosecution of the war. But, to safeguard the great principles of liberty, and to carry on this war to such an issue as will bring some eternal good out of this appalling evil, it is not necessary for democrats, and socialists especially, to tacitly admit that all the principles of peace and internationalism, and their criticisms of capitalism and foreign policies have been unsound and erroneous. On the contrary, this war, when its inwardness shall be clearly understood, is a complete justification of the attacks upon militarism in all its forms and in all countries, and upon the economic interests 299