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 28 of the State," and on p. 84, he reminds us that "it is constantly forgotten that the destruction of the State involves also the destruction of democracy." But according to Lenin, the value of democracy is instrumental. Its catch-words are good propaganda, and it constitutes a necessary phase by hastening the wrecking process, just as Capitalism has to be encouraged and hastened in order to destroy "Feudalism." He writes, "The immense significance of the struggle of the proletariat for equality, and the power of attraction of such a battle-cry are obvious, if we rightly interpret it as meaning the annihilation of classes" (p. 102)—with the exception, of course, of the Internationalists and some of their Jew friends! The attainment of a dead-level of equality by the simple method of exterminating all classes with the capacity to lead and direct, endows the confederation of secret conspirators with absolute power, when the time comes, to exert a despotism without fear of rivalry or interference.

It is clear, then, and indisputable that whatever incongruous and opportunist elements may have attached themselves to the Bolshevist cause, and whatever wholly distinct forces may have utilized the Bolsheviks for entirely different purposes of their own, there yet exists at the very core of the movement a small band of determined and fanatical theorists who genuinely believe in Communism, and who, logically enough, see that such a régime could only be established, or even attempted by (1) themselves assuming absolute power; (2) by a world-international revolution ; (3) by equalization of all national