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 tendencies. The more authority—power over his fellow—saas [sic] man has, the more favorable the opportunity for this "human nature" to manifest itself. Thus we see that if this definition of human nature be correct, it is illogical to uphold government. The before given bits of history show that, left without government, men do not prey upon each other.

Human beings are gregarous; they associate as naturally, spontaneously and persistently as do so many sheep or cattle. In their association they have developed industry and the division of labor to such an extent that they are now interdependent. The security of each, not only in life and the pursuit of happiness, but also in the daily consumption of food, depends upon the security of all, and in turn the security of all depends upon the security of each. When this fact is understood, selfishness becomes the greatest cohesive force in society and prompts all arrangements that tend to make life, liberty and subsistence secure. The necessity of according fair treatment in order to get fair treatment in return, has ever been so well recognized at all times, that a certain amount of fairness has always characterized trade and social relations, the advantage taken by any given person or persons being in proportion to the protection accorded by organized force—government. It stands to reason, then, that the absence of law, and the necessary equality of opportunities which absence would mean, would tend to cause all men to act toward their fellows in such a manner as to gain their good will.

With these facts in view, and the fact of our ever increasing interdependence, owing to the ever increasing subdivision of labor, it must be evident to all who stop to give that question a careful consideration, that it does not require the intermeddling of officials in order for them to live together in peace.

Without government monopoly in the resources of the earth and tools of production would be impossible, and all would stand on an equal footing. Association would be voluntary, and mutual interest would be the guide in all affairs in which two or more persons are concerned. Why then is freedom, i. e. Anarchy impracticable now?"

The idea that we must of necessity pass through State Socialism in order to reach Anarchism is quite prevalent, especially among those who have recently broken their shell of reverence for the State and are still in the habit of thinking in the same channels as when they were eager advocates of "socializing" everything by law. To such an one it looks perfectly reasonable and natural to suppose that step by step all monopolies will become national or municipal properties, and that thus poverty will be eliminated, ignorance eradicated and a wiser generation thus remove the last legal barrier and usher in a condition of freedom—Anarchy.

Such a view of the oncoming events is not at all unreasonable when held by one whose trend of thought has ever been directed toward State action as the sole means of relief, but when the light of experience, the lessons of history, are turned on, grave doubts of the correctness of such a theory force themselves upon the student. To the natural thinker this view appears as a mere transitional mode of thought which will disappear with an increased understanding of the question in its various phases.

History teaches one lesson very clearly, a lesson of vast importance, but one which many seem strangely slow to learn. That lesson is this: Privileges are never willingly given up by their possessors. The king on his throne holds his place as supreme potentate until hurled from power against his will. The dog-catcher on a city's streets forsakes his job and turns his attention to other pursuits as unwillingly, his protests being less because his power to protest and the emoluments of his office are less extensive. The office holder who became a candidate the first time under protest, and who declared he would not occupy the office longer than one term for anything, will go to the bottom of his "sack" in order to retain his position.