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 life fairly, or on the bright side, and cause them to look upon every one else with suspicion, or with evil intent. This frame of mind is fostered by political aspirants and trades union agitators, and labor fakirs generally, who hope by setting race against race, nationality against nationality, or unionist against scab, to lift themselves into office, or some position of trust and emolument. This, you see, is in turn due to the existence of government and monopoly, and will vanish when these two causes are removed. So we need aprehendapprehend [sic] no crime as a result of such things, in a condition of freedom.

Jealousy will continue, we are told, and love will cause men to kill each other then as now. But is this true? Much of the trouble that now occurs between the sexes is due to bad industrial conditions, while a great deal of the jealousy that now exists is attributable directly to the frame of mind created and upheld by marriage laws. "This is my wife," is the excuse of many men who act criminally toward the women so designated, or some person for whom she may have formed a tender regard. The idea of woman's right to control her actions, and to determine for herself with whom she will associate sexually, is growing with, and is inseparable from, the thought of freedom from State interference. When men and women have learned to respect the rights of all others, including their associate, the one they claim to love, then crimes as a result of jealousy will disappear.

Thus we see that in a condition of freedom crimes of all kinds would become scarce, to say the least.

"But if crime should occur, what would you do?" is a query that is constantly forced onto the advocates of freedom. In the first place, it is impossible to state what will be done, in any case, until the crime has occurred and the surrounding circumstances are determined. For this reason it is nonsense to demand an explanation of what will be done with criminals in supposed cases. In the event of the commission of a crime, it would be of no use to punish the criminal, for in so doing it only draws those into the commission of crime who administer the punishment. If a man becomes insane and undertakes to "pick off everybody on the street with his revolver," as some authoritarians claim, would happen, then there is no question but that very sudden and effective means would be taken to stop him—not as a matter of punishment, but as a matter of protection.

It is not punishment that prevents crime, or can prevent crime, and it is worse than useless to try to cure crime by punishment. Protection is always in order, and there is no question in my mind but that means, adequate to the end, will never be lacking.

There is one subject about which there is much confusion of thought; one which is much misundertsood,misunderstood, [sic] or which is unknown to the majority. That subject is Communism.

The most general conception of Communism is that of the small states, or societies in which the tools, laud, buildings and products of the society are the common property of the members, or of the government of the society. Usually in these societies, or states, a common kitchen is maintained; the vegetables are all raised together in a common garden by the united effort of those assigned to that work by the management of the society; individual preference is supposed to give way to the preference of the majority, and a regulation of activities carried on by the central authority. This is the old-fashioned authoritarian Communism which still prevails to a limited extent. This is the kind of Communism which most persons picture in their minds when the word is mentioned.

While this kind of Communism has many advantages, such as united effort and the increased productive power incident thereto, the saving incident to the