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 cannot see what our National Pact means to us; and that, as a proud people, we cannot accept terms of peace which they would not think of offering the Greeks and Bulgars. It is said that the Great Powers must conciliate public opinion which hates and distrusts us as 'barbarians,' but we feel certain that the Powers could deal with 'public opinion' if they so desired, and convince the whole world that we are now working by civilised methods to become a free and independent nation. Instead of facing the vital question of a 'right to exist' as a State, we feel that much time has been wasted over details that do not need any discussion. It is known, for example, that we are offering, what we have always offered, equal rights to Moslems and Christians; yet we are asked to establish inequality by exempting Christians from military service.

"If ever the Powers consent to accept our point of view, it is considered a great concession, and when we point out that our whole demands have been reduced by us to the lowest minimum, they laugh; imagining it is a 'concession' to give us back one room in our own house.

"For three years, Turkey has given proof that none can dispute of her organising capacity, her great vitality, and her deep longing to regenerate her country. We came here hoping and believing that the plenipotentiaries would bear this in mind. They do not. They beg us to 'trust' them; but they treat us with the same caution, the same distrust, as they have always shown towards the old 'decayed' Turkey, towards which, maybe, there used to be some slight justification. Such an attitude cannot produce satisfactory progress."

"What are the chief obstacles to Peace?"

"Mosul—Finance—Judicial Capitulations—Reparations.

"We are only asking four milliard gold francs for reparations. That is a small figure for a country that has been completely devastated, and it takes no count of loss of life.