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 1922 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 287 to his uncle, shows very clearly the temper that still prevailed among some members of the congress, as late as April 1776. However strange it may appear, I am satisfied that the Eastern Colonies do not mean to have a reconciliation, and in this I am justified by public and private reasons. . . . Two of the New England colonies enjoy a government purely democratical, the nature and principle of which, both civil and religious, are so totally incompatible with Monarchy, that they have ever lived in a restless state under it. The other two, though not so popular in their frame, bordered so near upon it that monarchical influence hung very heavy on them. The best opportunity in the world being now offered them to throw off all subjection and embrace their darling democracy, they are determined to accept it. These are aided by those of a private nature, but not less cogent. The colonies of Massachusetts and Connecticut, who rule the other two, have claims on the province of Pennsylvania in the whole for near one-third of the land within their provincial bounds and indeed the claim, extended to its full extent, comes within four miles of this city (Philadelphia). This dispute was carried to the King and Council, and with them it now lies. . . . And yet without any adjustment of those disputes, and a variety of other matters, some are for lugging us into independence. But so long as these remain unsettled and men act upon the principles they ever have done, you may rely no such thing will be generally agreed on. Upon reviewing the secret movements of men and things I am convinced that the assertion of independence is far off. If it was now to be asserted, the Continent will be torn in pieces by intestine wars and convulsions. Previous to independence all disputes must be healed and harmony prevail. A grand Continental league must be formed and a superintending power also. ... It is a true saying of a wit We must hang together or separately ! ' Very suggestive also is the disagreement between the northern and the southern delegates over the question of military pay. The latter thought that the common soldiers received too much and the officers too little ; the former that the exactly opposite state of things prevailed. There is a further reason why the contents of the present volume reveal less than might have been expected. The delegates were sworn to secrecy, and letter after letter emphasizes this fact in tiresome apologies for saying so little. Again one becomes rather weary of the constant complaints of the delegates at the length of the hours during which they have to work. Still, with all its limitations, the volume is a storehouse of most, valuable knowledge and is well worthy of the time and labour that have been expended on it. A subsidiary truth which it enforces is the fallibility of men's memories. Jefferson honestly believed that the Declaration of Independence had been signed on 4 July by every member of the congress, except Dickinson ; it now seems almost proved that the document was not, in fact, so signed till a later date, after it had been engrossed on parchment. H. E. EGERTON. Fewpyiou 'I. ZoAwra Icrropia rJ/s Xi'ou. TO/X.OS A'. I. 'loro/HKr) To7roypa<ia. CEv 'A&Tvais. Tvrrois II. A. Sa/ceAAapiw, 1921.) THIS first instalment of the late George Zolotas's posthumous historical, genealogical, and topographical account of his native island is appropriately published in time for the centenary of the Massacre of Chios, which so deeply stirred Europe in 1822. Its publication is due to the patriotism and generosity of a number of his fellow-islanders resident in England, France, Greece, Egypt, and India, three of whom, K. Argentes, K. Kalvokoreses, and K. Petrokokkinos, formed an editorial committee, and entrusted the task of putting together the late scholar's rich materials to his daughter,