Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 22.djvu/352

 328 SPAIN [HISTORY. wife's death. Aragon and Castile were distinct kingdoms, and the former was again divided into the three provinces of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, each of which had its own cortes, its own privileges, and the most warmly- cherished traditions of independence. Classes were every- where divided against each other, and within each class jealousies and quarrels were frequent. The foreign possessions of the two crowns were a source of weakness" rather than of strength. France stood ready at the earliest opportunity to contest the possession of Navarre with Castile, and that of Naples with Aragon. Charles The difficulties of domestic government were increased I. by the fact that the prospective ruler was a youthful (emperor foreigner, who had never visited Spain, and who was y f r e 5 completely ignorant of the customs and even of the language of the country. Charles had been born and educated in the Netherlands, of which he had been nominal ruler ever since the death of his father in 1506. All his friends and advisers were Flemings, who cared nothing for Spanish interests and had already acquired an evil reputation for selfish greed. The first symptom of discontent in Spain was excited by Charles's demand to be recognized as king, in utter disregard of his unfortunate mother. In Aragon the demand was unhesitatingly refused, but in Castile the vigorous measures of Ximenes secured Charles's proclamation. The regent, however, had great difficulties to face. The nobles, delighted to be rid of the strong government of Ferdinand, wished to utilize the opportunity to regain the privileges and independence they had lost. In this crisis the loyal devotion of Ximenes saved the monarchy. Throwing himself upon the support of the citizen class, he organized a militia which overawed the nobles and maintained order. A French invasion of Navarre was repulsed, and to avoid any danger from the discontent of the inhabitants all the fortresses of the pro- vince, with the single exception of Pamplona, were dis- mantled. These distinguished services were rewarded with more than royal ingratitude by Charles, who came to Spain in 1517, and who allowed the aged cardinal to die on November 8 without even granting him an interview. The young king soon felt the loss of so able and experi- enced an adviser. His Flemish ministers, with Chicvres at their head, regarded Spain as a rich booty to be plundered at will. The Castilians, the proudest nation in Europe, found all the places of honour and profit seized by greedy foreigners. The cortes had shown their loyalty by acknowledging Charles as joint-king with his mother and by granting him an unprecedented service of 600,000 ducats. But they had accompanied their grants with eighty-eight significant demands, which the young king accepted but made no pretence of fulfilling. In Aragon and Catalonia more difficulty was experienced. Nearly two years were wasted in obtaining the recognition of the royal title, and no supplies were forthcoming. Valencia was not visited at all, and the attempt to induce the people to do homage to a viceroy was a failure. A civil war broke out in the province between the privileged nobles and a germandada, or brotherhood, of the burgher class. The Government exasperated parties by supporting each in turn, but ultimately threw in its lot with the nobles. Meanwhile the death of Maximilian had given Charles the succession to the considerable Hapsburg territories in Germany, and in 1519 the German electors had chosen him to be king of the Romans. He was now the first prince in Europe ; and it was necessary for him to leave Spain to look after his interests in Germany and to cement there alliances which he needed against the inevit- able hostility of France. But his elevation by no means increased his popularity in Castile. The Castilians had already plenty of grounds for complaint in the rapacity of the Flemings and in Charles's failure to perform his promises to the cortes. But these were as nothing com- pared with the prospect that Castile might no longer be the primary state of their king, and that their revenues might be employed in the attainment of objects in which they had not the slightest interest. While opinions were thus excited, Charles, who had been reduced to great straits by his military preparations and his promises to the German electors, summoned the cortes to meet at Santiago (Compostella) in Galicia, and thence transferred them to Coruna in order to embark as soon as he had obtained the supplies he needed. The place of meeting was carefully chosen so as to isolate the assembly and to expose it to royal influence or intimidation. The lead of the opposition was taken by Toledo, which refused to send its two deputies, as being too favourable to the crown, but sent other representatives to remonstrate with Charles and to encourage the other cities. They were driven from Coruna, and the deputies of Salamanca were excluded from the cortes. By these and similar means the desired grant was extorted. Charles hastened to quit Spain with the first favourable Avind, leaving Adrian of Utrecht as regent in Castile, and two native nobles in Aragon and Catalonia. His departure was really neces- sary for his other interests ; but it must have seemed reckless to the Spaniards at a time when Valencia was in the flames of civil war and Castile was on the verge of rebellion. Before starting he had ordered the removal of the magistrates of Toledo, and had sent a new governor to reduce the city to obedience. The citizens, headed by Rising of a young noble, Juan de Padilla, resisted this order and tlie com " raised the standard of insurrection. Other cities hastened to join the movement, and a central committee, known as the "Holy Junta," established itself at Avila. The unfor- tunate regent, a churchman of distinguished piety and gentle character, found himself face to face with difficul- ties that would have taxed all the resources of Ximenes. His attempt to reduce Segovia by arms was a lamentable failure, and he had to confess his utter defeat by disband- ing his forces. The nobles, alienated by the appointment of a foreigner to the regency, made no attempt to check a movement against a Government they detested. The insurgents had matters their own way, and Padilla, advancing to Tordesillas, made himself master of the person of Joanna, in whose name it was intended to con- duct the government. But this move was less advan- tageous than it at first appeared. Joanna refused to transact any business or to sign any document, and this public proof of her incapacity served to justify Charles's contention that he was the only possible ruler. The Castilians were not prepared to get rid of the monarchy, so that it was necessary for the rebels to consider the possibility of coming to terms with Charles. The " Holy Junta," which had moved from Avila to Tordesillas, drew up a series of demands, which, if acceded to, would have established a constitutional monarchy in Spain. But their envoys to Germany found it impossible even to secure an audience from the king, and meanwhile the failure of the insurrection was decided. The very ease with which the rebels had triumphed proved an evil, because it encouraged internal dissensions which opposition might have healed. Especially Burgos showed its jealousy of the leading position which had been assumed by Toledo. Class differences, the bane of every country in the Middle Ages, supplied the final stumbling-block. Many of the demands of the communes were diametrically opposed to the interests of the nobles, whose eyes were at last opened to the danger of their attitude of neutrality. Their chief grievance had been removed by Charles's appointment of