Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 18.djvu/223

 supposed to have been Penry, Throgmorton, Udal, and Fenner, and their opponents Bishop Cooper, John Lilly, and Nash. As early as the middle of the 16th century we find ballads of news ; and in the reigns of Elizabeth and James I. small pamphlets, translated from the German and French, and known as &quot;news-books,&quot; were circulated by the so-called &quot; Mercury-women.&quot; These were the immediate predecessors of weekly newspapers, and continued to the end of the 17th century. A proclamation was issued by Charles II., May 12, 1680, &quot;for suppressing the printing and publishing of unlicensed news-books and pamphlets of news.&quot; In the 17th century pamphlets began to contribute more than ever to the formation of public opinion. Nearly one hundred were written by or about the restless John Lilburne, but still more numerous were those of the undaunted Prynne, who himself published above one hundred and sixty, besides many weighty folios and quartos. Charles I. found energetic supporters in Peter Heylin and Sir Roger L Estrange, the latter noted for the coarseness of his pen. The most distinguished pamphleteer of the period was John Milton, who began his career in this direction by five anti-episcopal tracts (1641-42) during the Smectymnuus rjuarrel. In 1643 his wife s desertion caused him to publish anonymously Doctrine and discipline of divorce, followed by several others on the same subject. He printed the Tract on Education in 1644, and, unlicensed and unregistered, his famous Areopagitica a speech for the liberty of unlicensed printing. He defended the trial and execution of the king in Tenure of kings and magistrates (1648). The Eikon Basilike dispute was con ducted with more ponderous weapons than the kind we are now discussing. When Monk held supreme power Milton addressed to him The present means of a free commonwealth and Readie and easie way (1660), both pleading for a commonwealth in preference to a monarchy. John Goodwin, the author of Oostructors of Justice (1649), John Phillipps, the nephew of Milton, and Abiezer Coppe were violent and prolific partisan writers, the last-named specially known for his extreme Presbyterian principles. The tract Killing no murder (1657), aimed at Cromwell, and attributed to Colonel Titus or Colonel Sexby, excited more attention than any other political effusion of the time. The history of the civil war period is told day by day in the well-known collection made by Thomason the bookseller, now preserved in the British Museum. It numbers 30,000 separate books, pamphlets, and broadsides, ranging from 1640 to 1662, and is bound in 2000 volumes. Each article was dated by Thomason at the time of acquisition. William Miller was another bookseller famous for his collection of pamphlets, which were catalogued by Tooker in 1693. Wm. Laycock printed a Proposal for raising a fund for buying them up for the nation. The Catholic controversy during the reign of James II. gave rise to a multitude of books and pamphlets, which have been described by Peck (Catalogue, 1735) and by Jones (Catalogue, Chetham Society, 1859-65, 2 vols.). Politics were naturally the chief feature of the floating literature connected with the Revolution of 1688. The political tracts of Lord Halifax are interesting both in matter and manner. He is supposed to have written The character of a political trimmer (1689), sometimes ascribed to Sir W. Coventry. About the middle of the reign Defoe was introduced to William III., and produced the first of his pamphlets on occasional conformity. He issued in 1 697 his two defences of standing armies in support of the Government, and published sets of tracts on the partition treaty, the union with Scotland, and many other subjects. 205 His Shortest way with the Dissenters (1702) placed him in the pillory. Under Queen Anne pamphlets arrived at a remark able degree of importance. Never before or since has this method of publication been used by such masters of thought and language. Political writing of any degree of authority was almost entirely confined to pamphlets. If the Whigs were able to command the services of Addison and Steele, the Tories fought with the terrible pen of Swift. Second in power if not in literary ability were Bolingbrokc, Somers, Atterbury, Prior, and Pulteney. The Government viewed with a jealous eye the free use of this powerful instrument, and St John seized upon fourteen booksellers and publishers in one day for &quot;libels&quot; upon the administration (see Annals of Queen Anne, October 23, 1711). In 1712 a duty was laid upon newspapers and pamphlets, displeasing all parties, and soon falling into disuse. Bishop Hoadly s sermon on the kingdom of Christ (1717), holding that the clergy could claim no temporal jurisdiction, occasioned the Bangorian controversy, which produced seventy or eighty pamphlets. Soon after this period party-writing declined from its comparatively high standard and fell into meaner and venal hands. Under George III. Bute took Dr Shebbeare from Newgate in order to employ his pen. The court part received the support of a few able pamphlets, among which may be men tioned The consideration of the German War against the policy of Pitt, and The prerogative droit de Roy (1764) vindicating the prerogative. We must not forget that although Samuel Johnson was a pensioned scribe he has for an excuse that his political tracts are his worst per formances. Edmund Burke, on the other hand, has pro duced in this form some of his most valued writings. The troubles in America and the union between Ireland and Great Britain are subjects which are abundantly illustrated in pamphlet literature. Early in the present century the rise of the quarterly reviews threw open a new channel of publicity to those who had previously used pamphlets to spread their opinions, and later on the rapid growth of monthly magazines and weekly reviews afforded controversialists a much more certain and extensive circulation than they could ensure by an isolated publication. Although pamphlets are no longer the sole or most important factor of public opinion, the minor literature of great events is never likely to be entirely confined to periodicals. The following topics, which might be largely increased in number, have each been discussed by a multitude of pamphlets, most of which, however, are likely to have been hopeless aspirants for a more certain means of preserva tion: the Bullion Question (1810), the Poor Laws (1828- 34), Tracts for t/ie Times and the ensuing controversy (1833-45), Dr Hampden (1836), the Canadian Revolt (1837-38), the Corn Laws (1841-48), Gorham Contro versy (1849-50), Crimean War and Indian Mutiny (1854- 59), Schleswig-Holstein (1863-64), Ireland (1868-69), tin- Franco-German War, with Dame Europa s School and its imitators (1870-71), Vaticanism, occasioned by Mr Glad stone s Vatican Decrees (1874), the Eastern Question (1877-80), and the Irish Land Laws (1880-82). France. The activity of the French press in putting forth small tracts in favour of the Reformed religion caused the Sorbonne in 1523 to petition the king to abolish the diabolical art of printing. Even one or two sheets of printed matter were found too cumber some, and single leaves or placards were issued in such numbers that they were the subject of a special edict, September 28, 1553. An ordonnanceot February 1566 was specially directed against libellous pamphlets, and those who wrote, printed, or even possessed them. The rivalry between Francis I. and Charles V. gave rise to many political pamphlets, and under Francis II. the Guises were attacked by similar means. Fr. Hotmail directed his Epistre cnvoiee au tyijrc de Franc-&quot; against the Cardinal de Lorraine. The Yak is and