Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 15.djvu/165

Rh MACHIAVELLI 147 view which stamp his later works with a distinctive character emerge into prominence. We find him seeking parallels and precepts in Roman history, laying down the axiom that human nature is identical throughout the ages, exposing the futility of half measures, and finally appealing to Cesare Borgia as a model of political sagacity. It is clear from this brief and early composition that Machia veil i had already formed the habits of thought which dis tinguish him. He has begun to idealize Borgia s policy. He interweaves historical reflexions with contemporary analysis, using the past to illustrate the present, and expounding practical doctrine from texts derived from Livy. There is also noticeable the uncompromising spirit of the man, who was destined afterwards in the Principe to subordinate all minor considerations of morality and conduct to the one object of political attainment. In the year 1502 Machiavelli married Marietta Corsini, the wife who bore him several children, with whom, in spite of his own infidelities, he lived on good terms, and who survived him twenty-six years. In the same year Piero Soderini was chosen gonfalonier for life, in accordance with certain changes in the constitution of the state, which were intended to bring Florence closer to the Venetian type of government. This was an important event in Machinvelli s career, for he now became intimately connected with Soderini, assisted him in carrying out his policy, suggested important measures of military reform which Soderini adopted, and finally was involved in ruin by his fall. Machiavelli, it may be said in passing, had the qualities of a good servant and a practical official. He remained faithful to Soderini through the difficulties of his later years of power, and spoke well of him subsequently. Yet he was a severe critic, blaming the gonfalonier for weakness of administration and half measures ; and, when he died, he indulged in a sarcastic epigram on his old master which does less honour to his loyalty than to his wit. The year 1502 was marked by yet another decisive incident in Machiavelli s life. In October he was sent, much against his will, as envoy to the camp of Cesare Borgia, or duke of Valentino, as he was now called. The duke was then in Romagna, and it was Machiavelli s duty to wait upon and watch him. He was able now to observe those intricate intrigues which culminated in Cesare s seizure of Sinigaglia and the treacherous murder of his disaffected captains. From what remains of Machiavelli s letters to the Dieci during this period, and from his tract upon the Modo tem/to dal Duca Valentino neW ammazzare Vitellozzo Vitelli, we are able to appreciate the actual relations which existed between the two men, and the growth in Machiavelli s mind of a political ideal based upon his study of the duke s character. Machiavelli was a mere spectator and critic, by no means an adviser of the duke. He seems to have been even weary and uneasy in the network of hypocrisy and crime in which he found himself, refreshing his spirits with jocular letters to his private friends, and with the study of a Plutarch which they sent him. He was also able to stigmatize the Borgia s conduct from a conventional point of view, as is proved by his calling him a &quot; basilisk &quot; and &quot; hydra &quot; in his Decennali. Yet he conceived the strongest admiration for his combination of audacity with diplomatic prudence, for his adroit use of cruelty and fraud, for his self-reliance, avoidance of half measures, employment of native troops, and firm administration in conquered pro vinces. More than once, in letters to his friend Vettori, no less than in the pages of the Principe, he afterwards expressed his belief that Cesare Borgia s behaviour in the conquest of provinces, the cementing of a new state out of scattered elements, and the dealing with false friends or doubtful allies, was worthy of all commendation and of scrupulous imitation. Hydra and basilisk were terms, not of reproach, but of panegyric, on the lips of the writer who warned his prince to acquire the nature of the fox and of the lion, who spoke familiarly of frodi onorevoli, scelleratezze gloriose, and whose conception of Virtu was self-reliant ability. As he watched Cesare Borgia at this, the most brilliant period of his adventurous career, the man became idealized in his reflective but imaginative mind. Round him, as a hero, he allowed his own conceptions of the perfect prince to cluster. There was so much in the conduct of the duke which exactly fitted with those conceptions, so much of that ideal had conversely been derived at first hand from the duke himself, that the hero and the adven turer were, as it were, confounded. That Machiavelli separated the actual Cesara Borgia, whom he afterwards saw, ruined and contemptible, at Rome, from this radiant creature of his political fancy, is probable. That the Cesare of history does not exactly match the Duca Valentino of Machiavelli s writings is certain. Still the fact remains that henceforth Machiavelli cherished the ideal image of the statesman which he had modelled upon Cesare, and called this by the name of Valentino. On his return to Florence early in January 1503, Machiavelli began to occupy himself with a project he had long since formed, and which his recent attendance upon Cesare Borgia had strengthened in his mind. The duties of his office obliged him to study the conditions of military service as they then existed in Italy. He was familiar with the disadvantages under which republics laboured when they engaged professional captains of adventure and levied mercenary troops. The bad faith of the condottiere Paolo Vitelli (beheaded at Florence in 1499) had deeply impressed him. In the war with Pisa he had observed the insubordination and un trust worthiness of soldiers gathered from the dregs of different districts, serving under egotistical and irresponsible commanders. His reading in Livy taught him to admire the Roman system of employ ing armies raised from the body of the citizens ; and Cesare Borgia s method of gradually substituting the troops of his own duchy for aliens and mercenaries showed him that this plan might be adopted with success by the Italians. He was now determined, if possible, to furnish Florence with a national militia. The gonfalonier Soderini entered into his views. But obstacles of no small magni tude arose. First came the financial difficulties in which the Government was then involved. The suspicion and jealousy of the Florentines had also to be encountered. Some of them feared lest Soderini, if he armed the common wealth, would aspire to tyranny. All alike were adverse to arming the population of subject cities like Arezzo and Cortona ; for it must be remembered that an Italian republic ruled its province with the despotism of an autocrat, and the towns beneath its sway were always panting for independence. The question of money was immediately pressing. Early in 1503 Machiavelli drew up for Soderini a speech, Discorso sulla provisione del Danaro, in which the duty and necessity of liberal expenditure for the protection of the state were expounded upon principles of sound political philosophy. Between this date and the last month of 1506 Machiavelli laboured at his favourite scheme, working out memorials on the subject for his office, and suggesting the outlines of a new military organization. On the Gth of December 150G his plan was approved by the signory, and a special ministry, called the Nove di Ordinama e Milizia, was appointed. Machiavelli immediately became their secretary. The country districts of the Florentine dominion were now divided into departments, and levies of foot soldiers were made in order to secure a standing militia. A commander- in-chief had to be chosen for the new troops. Italian