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 *ever, so much because they are essential to our independence and happiness, as because they encourage industry at home by furnishing a foreign market for surplus produce. The other advantages of foreign trade, both literary and commercial, are not inconsiderable; and they ought to be appreciated:—but not without a due reference to the contaminating influences of foreign manners and customs. With respect to manners and customs, other nations, in their intercourse with us, are, no doubt, gainers; but we, I am satisfied, experience from them much injury. It may be added, that a certain extent of population in our sea ports is essential to that degree of commercial enterprise, which will set afloat our surplus capital; and therefore we ought to view the spirit of emigration in relation to this particular.

I may improve this opportunity to make a few additional reflections upon foreign commerce. The advocates of this interest, under the pretence of attaching to it a consequence only equal to that of agriculture, have laboured to prove that the former is even paramount to the latter,—that the country is almost exclusively a commercial nation. One of these advocates, in a speech delivered in Congress in January 1814, advances such a principle. Much as I admire the sublime complexion of his intellect, and the enlightened majesty of his heart, I must say that his position is altogether exceptionable.—He observes, in the above mentioned speech, that the principal motive for adopting the constitution of the general government was the protection and extension of commerce. So far from this being the {41} case, the great and principal conditions and objects of our national compact, were individual security and the advancement of the true interests of the country. It must have been well known, that a state of things might exist which would render an