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man-of-war. Hertzog, however, realized that that would render him ridiculous; eventually he and his friends sailed in a Dutch vessel to New York, whence they took passage to Europe. They saw Mr. Lloyd George, they visited Paris, and they returned to S.A. unsatisfied. Mr. Lloyd George pointed out to them, among other things, that the restoration of the Dutch republics was not a matter to bring before the Imperial Government; the Union of S.A. was a self-governing state and could speak only through its own constitutionally chosen Ministry.

The Treaty of Versailles having been signed (June 28 1919) Gens. Botha and Smuts returned to S. Africa. A few weeks later Gen. Botha, whose health had been indifferent Botha's for some time, died (Aug. 27) after a very brief illness. Death: j n jjj m g.A. lost one of her greatest sons, and the Prime Empire a man who, whether as friend or foe, had Minister, been large minded, sincere and whole-hearted. With regard to Botha's successor Lord Buxton, the gover- nor-general, had no hesitation. Gen. Smuts was the inevitable choice. In Sept. at a special session of Parliament, the peace treaty with Germany was debated, and a resolution passed ask- ing King George to ratify it on behalf of the Union. In this de- bate and on many other occasions Gen. Smuts dwelt on the en- hanced position S.A. had acquired as a result of the World War; she had not only become an equal member of the British Com- monwealth, with a voice in the direction of its foreign affairs, but a separate entity in the comity of nations. Greater freedom it could not possess; it was mistress of its own destinies, but, so he argued, it was not open to the Union to break away from the British connexion.

The war had ended, economically S.A. had suffered from it less than might have been anticipated, and a period of trade expansion had set in. Smuts, both in generalship and in diplo- macy, had been the greatest figure which the British Dominions had thrown up during the conflict. He was presently called upon to get the verdict of his own people on his policy and actions, for by the constitution, another general election was due. It was held in March 1920 in circumstances somewhat unfavourable for the Ministry. Though on imperial questions the Unionist party and the S.A. party held the same views, there were many points on purely domestic issues on which they did not agree and they opposed one another at the polls, often too when a National- ist was contesting the same seat. There were several triangular and even some quadrilateral contests caused by Labour candi- datures. And the election showed that the Nationalists, deter- minedly narrow in their outlook for many back-veld Boers the world outside S.A. counted as nothing had gained strength. There were 134 seats to be filled as against 130 in 1915. The Nationalists came out the strongest single party with 4$ seats; the S.A. party held 40, the Unionists 25, while Labour gained the remarkable number of 21 seats. Three Independents com- pleted the list. The Nationalists were jubilant and with the help of the Labour members hoped for great things. Gen. Smuts was in a difficult position but he resolved to meet Parlia- ment and carry on the Government. This could only be done with the help of the Unionists and that help was given to Smuts as freely as it had been given to Botha. Even so, the margin of votes was exceedingly small and would have disap- peared had not several of the Labour members on the main issues also supported the Ministry. As it was Smuts went through the session with remarkable skill and succeeded in passing more than one important measure among others the Native Administration Act (see above).

The evidence that the election had afforded of the strength of the Nationalists could not however be ignored, nor was it possible that in the existing state of parties Parliament JogEfforis. cou ld continue to do its work efficiently or the country be at peace. Some way out must be found. Consider- ing his race, it is not a matter for wonder that Smuts tried first to see if an accommodation could be reached with the National- ists. A reunited party which would have the support of the whole Dutch community was a tempting prospect. Negotiations went on for some time; finally in Sept. 1920 a hereeniging (re-

union) conference was held at Bloemfontein. It failed, and its failure might have been foreseen. On various points the Nation- alists or the S.A. party were prepared for compromise, but when the test came it was seen that there was no bridging the gulf which separated them on essentials. Gen. Smuts and his party held firm to the principles of the unity of the Union and the preservation of the ties which linked the Union to the Empire. The Nationalists, on their side, refused to abandon the republican plank in their platform.

Gen. Smuts consequently turned for support elsewhere. In a manifesto issued on Sept. 29 and addressed to " all right minded S. Africans, irrespective of race or party " he asked them " to join a new party which shall be strong enough to safeguard the permanent interests of the Union against the disruptive and destructive policy of the Nationalists." This was an open bid to the Unionists, nor were they indisposed to respond. Their fundamental principles were those of Gen. Smuts and his follow- ers. But when at the conference of the S.A. party, held on Oct. 27, a resolution was adopted directing the head committee of the organization to take the necessary steps not for the creation of a new party, but for " an expansion of the S.A. party," some difficulty was created. The Unionists, who represented the bulk of the British section of the community, had, though with natural regret, been prepared to make a new combination, but they disliked the idea of simple absorption into a predominantly Dutch organ- ization. These feelings were expressed at the Unionist party conference at Bloemfontein early in November. Counsels of patriotism prevailed and at a meeting between the Unionist executive and Gen. Smuts at Johannesburg on Nov. 27, a com- plete agreement was reached. The Unionists joined the S.A. party, which retained its name. Nor was it an unfitting title, though it would become meaningless if the fusion of the two races came about, and the old distinction between Boer and Briton obliterated. This possibility was precisely what the Nationalists (and also a few British extremists) most dreaded while it was the goal to which Smuts looked forward. Speaking in London on May 22 1917, he had declared " we want to create a blend out of various nationalities. We want to create a new nation and that is the South African nation. ... I am hopeful that ... we shall in the end succeed and create under our South African sun a new type in the world."

Having drawn together the supporters of "national unity of the European races and the economic development of S.A. along peaceful lines " Gen. Smuts made a new appeal to the country, backed by the whole strength of what had been the Unionist party. Smuts fought the election on the republican issue. With the alternative thus nakedly put the Nationalists took alarm. They knew that success for them on such an issue was impossible and therefore they tried to confuse the people, and snatch a vic- tory on other grounds. Severance from the British Empire, the turning of the Union into a republic, was not, they declared, their immediate object, rather was it an ideal which they hoped to attain in a remote future. This manoeuvre deceived no one. Even if the Nationalists did not ardently desire a complete rupture with Great Britain they did want to secure at once com- plete ascendency in the ex-Boer Republics. During the election campaign Hertzog was induced to put the case baldly. Heckled at a meeting at Roodebank in the Standerton district he said that " even today (1921) he would accept a republic in the Transvaal and Free State and those Englishmen who objected might retain their British citizenship. If they had any grievances they would be represented by a British diplomatic agent." He admitted that if his wish were granted and difficulties arose the country would be in exactly the same position as before the Boer War.

The election was held in Feb. 1921 and resulted in a notable triumph for Gen. Smuts and the enlarged S.A. party. But it was significant that the Nationalist vote increased and that on balance of losses and gains they held two more seats in the new than they had held in the old Parliament. The distribution of parties was as follows: South African 76, Nationalist 47, Labour 10, In-