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316 a duty, but because we are attached to it." Even the Poles chimed in. laronsky pointed on their behalf to the tragic situation of Poland:

" The Polish nation torn into three parts sees its sons in mutually hostile camps. In spite of that our feelings of sympathy for the Slavs weld us into one whole. This is suggested to us not only by the justice of the cause taken up by Russia, but also by political re- flection. God help the Slavs led by Russia to repulse the Teutons in the same way as they were repulsed five hundred years ago by Poland and Lithuania in the battle of Griinwald. Let us hope that the blood shed by us and the terrors of a fratricidal war may lead to the reunion of the three fragments of the Polish people."

If the alien nationalities spoke in this way no wonder the Russian groups expressed their resolve to spare no effort in the struggle, and to support the Government to the utmost in the task of defending the country. Even the Group of Toil declared by Kerensky's voice that they were persuaded of the righteous- ness of Russia's cause and ready to sacrifice everything for the country's defence. Only from the little group of Social Demo- crats came threatening notes. Their spokesman dwelt on the solidarity of the proletariat all the world round, on the common guilt of all the Governments in provoking the war, on the resolve of the proletariat to bring about a speedy peace, on the hope that the present terrible catastrophe would result in the abolition of all wars. These discordant notes were lost, however, in the general display of enthusiasm.

The Tsar's Government was on the crest of a mighty popu- lar wave; it might have steered a course towards victory and na- tional regeneration if it had possessed the moral strength to rise to the occasion, to throw away the tawdry equipment of despot- ism and to concentrate the forces of the people for the momentous struggle. Events soon proved that it was not only incapable of such an effort, but that its leadership was in itself a hindrance to success at home and in the war.

At the start, however, two steps in the right direction were taken by the Government: the abrogation of the State monopoly of the sale of spirits, and the promise of autonomy to the Poles. The Gordian knot of the temperance problem was cut by Impe- rial decree in spite of the difficulties raised by finance experts. The beneficial influence of the measure on the morals and health of the people and of the army cannot be doubted.

The results for the Imperial Treasury were not so appalling as was predicted by timorous specialists. They can be gathered from a comparison between the budgets of two consecutive years 1914 and 1915.

1915 Estimates

1914 Estimates and Assignments

Increase or Decrease

Ordinary revenue Ordinary expenditure

Surplus of ordinary revenue Extraordinary revenue Extraordinary expenditure From free balance of Treasury

Deficit to be met by loan

Rubles 3,080,108,314 3,078,814,461

Rubles 3.572,169,473 3,309,523,517

Rubles -492,061,159 -230,709,056

1,293,853 9,500,000

155-493-953

262,645,956 13,400,000 304,045,881 27,099,925

-261,352,103 3,900,000 -148,551,928 -27-999,925

144,700,000

144,700,000

The proposed budget for 1915 included 502,642,000 rubles of ordinary revenue from new taxes and increases of existing taxation. The necessity for this increase of taxation arose from the reduction in the Government spirit monopoly operations and the influence of war upon revenue. In the 1914 budget the revenue from the spirit monopoly totalled 936,217,500 r. or 26-2% of the total ordinary revenue. For 1915 the estimated revenue from this source was only 144,360,000 r. or 4-7% of the total ordinary revenue, a decrease equal to 22-1 % of the ordinary revenue of 1914. On the other hand account must be taken of the saving that would be effected in ex- penditure on the spirit monopoly. This expenditure totalled 246,- 787,567 r. in the 1914 estimates, but was reduced by 140,374,401 r. in the 1915 estimates. So the expected decrease in the net revenue from the spirit monopoly was about 651,000,000 rubles.

The appeal to the Poles was made in a proclamation of the commander-in-chief, Grand Duke Nicholas. The grant of auton- omy was held out as a reward of cooperation against the com- mon enemy, the Germans. It would have been better if the promise had come directly from the Tsar, and if instead of vague words something tangible had been conceded at once. As a matter of fact the high bureaucracy began at once to put ob- stacles in the way of any reform, and the matter never reached a further stage than that of discussions in a Government com- mittee. The damage done by these vacillations was incalculable. Instead of enlisting the wholehearted support of Polish patriots Imperial bureaucracy drove them into a position of distrust and hostility, which became especially keen in view of the tactless and offensive behaviour of Russian authorities in Galicia, and could not be placated by occasional concession in details. This episode may serve as an example of the stupid policy followed by the Government in regard to all minor nationalities of the Empire: their enthusiastic rally was discouraged in every way, and old enmities were revived and increased at the most critical time. The case of the Jews was especially flagrant: numbers of them continued to perform their military duties faithfully and zealously, but many others took advantage of opportunities to spy and to betray their persecutors, and the round of executions and pogroms set in again with increasing force.

The E/ects of Mis government. In the field the old cancers of corruption and favouritism were again producing disappoint- ment and disaster. The army did not lack excellent leaders the chief-of-staff of the Southern command, Alexeiev, the corps commanders Ruzsky, Brusilov, Radko Dmitriev, were generals of the first rank. The officers and the common soldiers fought with the traditional tenacity and valour; no sacrifices were spared and brilliant victories were won. And yet on deci- sive occasions incredible things had happened. Samsonov's army was destroyed, thanks to a slackness in cooperation on the side of Samsonov's colleague, Rennenkampf, who was believed to play for his own hand. The suspicion was confirmed by a similar lapse on the part of the same commander later on at the battle of Lodz, when he failed to close the noose in which two corps of Mackensen's army had been caught. In Jan. 1915 an intelli- gence officer, Miassoyedov, actually sold the plans of the north- ern concentration to the Germans, and brought about a crushing defeat of Sivers' army. Worst of all it became clear towards the spring of 1915 that the army was insufficiently provided with munitions, aircraft, artillery and other appliances of war. The onslaught of Mackensen's and Hindenburg's Germans had to be met by soldiers many of whom had to man the trenches with sticks, in expectation that the death of comrades might give the chance of picking up rifles; batteries were forbidden to fire more than a couple of times an hour; the armies were surrounded by multitudes of " Kids " marauders and deserters. Even in these terrible circumstances the Russians fought stubbornly, retreated step by step, and eventually, with the help of Alexeiev's strategy, succeeded in arresting the stream of the invasion on the lines of the Dvina and the Dniester. But the psychological effect of this desperate campaign was a lasting one. The common men had learned that their blood was shed without stint by a Govern- ment which had been criminally careless and inefficient. The way was opened to the insidious propaganda of revolutionary defeatists and traitors. The revolution of 1917 was prepared on the battlefields of Gorlice and Krasnostav.

The progressive elements of Russian society attempted to save the situation by a great effort. The Zemstvo and Town Unions, which had been doing wonders in hospital work and equipment, offered their services for the preparation of munitions:

Towards the end of May 1915, at a congress of representatives of trade and industry, the discussion of technical questions was in- terrupted by an impassioned speech delivered by one of the leading Moscow millionaires, V. Riabushinsky, just back from the front and full of the impressions of the life and death struggle against ^the invaders. " The whole of Russia forms the rear of the army," he said. " We cannot busy ourselves with our everyday affairs at the present moment: every workshop, every factory must be used to break the enemy's force." It was not a question of forming this or that committee, but of sinking all differences and appealing to the