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resolution in Parliament calling on the Government to introduce a Representation of the People bill based on the recommenda- tions of the Speaker's conference. Woman franchise was the subject of all the speeches, and the leader of every party sup- ported the enfranchisement of women; the opposition was of the feeblest, and the motion was carried by 341 to 62.

When the bill (see WOMEN, LEGAL STATUS or) was debated, the second reading was carried by 329 to 40, and Clause 4 (en- franchising women) was passed by 385 to 55, or 7 to i, with a majority within each party into which the House was divided; and again in the last trial of strength the anti-suffrage Die-hards were reduced to a mere handful, the numbers being 214 to 17. After this the N.U.W.S.S. felt the ground sufficiently solid be- neath their feet to place a new weight upon it, and, in conjunc- tion with many other women's societies, they urged that the local government franchise for women should be amended on the same principle which the House had already accepted for the parliamentary franchise namely, to include not only house- holders but wives of householders. This was at first resisted by the Government, but suffragists outside the House and even many anti-suffragists worked vigorously for it and prevailed. The Government gave way, and the amended clause was accepted on Nov. 14 without a division.

The anti-suffragists in the Lords were a more formidable group than in the Commons. Lord Curzon, president of the Anti- Suffrage Society, was the leader of the House and chief represen- tative of the Government. The inclusion of women in the bill was vigorously resisted in the early stages of the bill by Lord Bryce and Lord Balfour of Burleigh; but there was no real fight upon it until the committee stage was reached and the women's clauses came on. After various skirmishes the battle was joined, an anti-suffrage amendment was moved, and there was a full-dress debate on Jan. 8, 9 and 10, 1918. Lord Curzon wound up the discussion. His speech, for the first five-sixths of it, was a tolera- bly familiar anti-suffrage oration, but the last sixth was cast in a different mould. He reminded the peers that the House of Com- mons was the sole constitutional representative of the feelings of the country; that in the Commons woman suffrage had been sup- ported by large majorities of every party, " including the one to which most of your lordships belong." He invited them to con- template what would happen if they came into collision with the other House on such a question as the representation of the peo- ple. He elaborated this point with skill, and ended by saying that to reject the clause would be to embark upon a conflict in which the Lords were certain to be worsted. He declined to be responsible for such a catastrophe, and announced his intention of not voting either for or against the amendment. This was the supreme moment for all suffragists present. They felt at once they were safe without disastrous conflict. The division was: for the clause, 134; against, 71. Thus ended the so-years' strug- gle of British women for political liberty. The royal assent was given on Feb. 6 1918. The women's task had been a long one, but they were able to look back upon it with satisfaction. They had accomplished it without one scintilla of direct political power and without appeals to party passion. Their appeal had been to common sense and experience. They challenged their opponents to produce one instance of disastrous consequences following upon the women's vote. Moreover, they had not split the coun- try into rival factions, for the bill was carried by the consent and cooperation of all parties.

Those who had worked for woman suffrage quickly perceived the difference it had made in the attitude of Parliament on al- most every proposal which came before it. The parliamentary atmosphere completely changed. Measures for which women's societies had been working unsuccessfully for years, such as the Nurses' Registration bill, and an amended Midwives' bill, were taken up as Government measures, and passed through all their stages without difficulty. The grille in front of the ladies' gallery was removed, and women were admitted to the strangers' gallery. By the spontaneous action of the Government a bill was passed in Nov. 1918 to render women eligible to sit in Parliament. It was not in time to be of much use at the general election which

followed in about a fortnight, but Viscountess Astor was re- turned for Plymouth in Nov. 1919 and Mrs. George Wintring- ham (widow of the previous member) for the Louth division of Lines, in Sept. 1921. The increased number of women local electors gave a great impulse to the election of women as town and county councillors and the number of women chosen as mayors steadily increased.

The report of the Lambeth Conference 1920 showed that the Anglican communion was breathing the new atmosphere created by the women's vote. It acknowledged that in the past the Church had undervalued women and had too thanklessly used their work. It slated the belief of the Conference that the Church would be strengthened by making freer use of the spirit- ual gifts of women, and recommended the opening to them of the diaconate, definitely affirming that the diaconate is an " or- der," though a minor one, and that a woman appointed to it is not merely " set apart " but " ordained."

These changes vary in importance, but they are significant in that they all point in one direction giving wider scope to the powers and responsibilities of women and recognizing the use of women's work in every well-ordered state.

Before the general election of Dec. 1918 Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Bonar Law had given a public promise, if returned to power, " to remove all the existing inequalities in the law between men and women "; but when the new Parliament opened there was no indication in the King's speech of proposed legislation in fulfilment of this pledge. The Labour party, therefore, in the session of 1919 introduced a measure called the Women's Emanci- pation bill, completely removing every legal inequality between men and women and giving women the vote on the same terms as men. This they carried, notwithstanding Government opposi- tion, through all its stages in the House of Commons; the Govern- ment, however, defeated it in the Lords, but not without pro- viding a substitute the Sex Disqualification Removal Act. This did not reopen the franchise question, but it gave women the right to study and practice law in both its branches, to act as magistrates and to sit on juries. It also made it clear to the universities of Oxford and Cambridge that they had the power to admit women to degrees and membership. Oxford availed itself of these powers without delay, but Cambridge in Dec. 1920 de- clined to take a similar step by 904 votes to 712, and repeated the refusal twice in 1921.

BRITISH DOMINIONS OVERSEAS

The granting of woman suffrage in Canada was almost simul- taneous with its victory in England. It was first adopted in the provinces (except Quebec) in 1916, and by the Dominion in 1917. Canada was well in front of the mother country in the matter of the eligibility of women. Miss MacAdams was elected to the Legislature of Alberta entirely by the votes of soldiers on duty in England and France in July 1917. The first Woman Suffrage Act for the Dominion limited the vote to women who had near relatives serving overseas. Full woman suffrage followed very quickly and almost without opposition in March 1918. In Feb. I92r Mrs. Mary Ellen Smith of Vancouver was chosen as Speaker of the British Columbian legislature. She, however, declined the speakership, but took office as a member of the Cabinet.

New Zealand had enfranchised its women in 1893, and enfran- chisement followed in the Commonwealth of Australia in 1902; therefore, with the exception of S. Africa, all the great self- governing overseas dominions of Britain have given political freedom to women. In March 1921 Mrs. Cowan was elected to the Parliament of Western Australia, the first woman M.P. to be elected in Australia.

Jamaica, S. Rhodesia and British East Africa gave votes to women in 1919 and 1920.

A strong effort was made by Indian women, supported by the Aga Khan and the Begum of Bhopal, to induce Parliament to incorporate in the Government of India Act the principle of woman suffrage. This effort was unsuccessful but not fruitless; important support was given in the House of Commons, and the Act, as finally passed, specifically left the question of woman suf-