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resigned from the Ministry of Marine owing to the Senate's opposition to his naval pensions bill, and was succeeded by Adml. Millo, the hero of the Dardanelles torpedo raid. The Triple Alliance was renewed on Dec. 7 1912. In the labour field the chief event was the strike at the F.I.A.T. works, Turin, which lasted three months and caused a loss of 10,000,000 lire, an agrarian strike in the Ferrara province and a general industrial strike at Milan m the summer of 1913.

The Balkan War had broken out when the Libyan War had ended. After the victories of the Balkan Allies over Turkey the Serbs had descended to the Adriatic and occupied Durazzo, while the Greeks from the south invaded Austria. South Albania. Austria, not wishing the Serbs to have an outlet on the Adriatic, demanded the evacuation of Durazzo, and was supported in this demand by Italy, both because she was a member of the Triple Alliance and because she had always felt an interest in the Albanians. She also opposed the Greek advance into South Albania for similar reasons, and because she did not wish Valona to fall into the hands of a possibly hostile power, who might use it or let others use it as naval base against Italy. Austria and Italy therefore agreed on the creation of an independent Albanian state under the protection of the Great Powers. Italo-Austrian relations had often been strained to' breaking point, but the Marquis di San Giuliano's foreign policy was based on a complete agreement with Austria, and he hoped to achieve his end by removing one of the chief causes of conflict the struggle for influence in Albania. In spite of this settlement, the petty persecutions by the Austrian Government against its Italian subjects, the frequent anti-Italian utterances of prominent Austrian generals and public men and the constant expulsions of Italian citizens from Austria for the most trifling pretexts, served to keep up ill-feeling. Just as matters were beginning to improve Prince Hohenlohe, the governor of Trieste, on Aug 23 1913, ordered the municipality to dismiss all foreigners, i.e. Italians, from its employ and that of the municipalized public services. Although, after much controversy, the Austrian Government allowed the Hohenlohe ordinance to lapse, the incident left a trail of irritation behind it.

On Oct. 26 1913, the general elections with the extended franchise were held, followed by the second ballots of Nov. 2. The result was an increase in the Socialist vote. Social- i st victories were particularly notable in Milan, Flo- rence, Turin and Naples. Although some 300 Con- stitutionalists were returned, the Cabinet was faced by 53 Official Socialists, 26 Reformist Socialists and 70 Radicals of uncertain attitude; the Republicans were much reduced, while 33 Catholics were elected it was the first time that a real Catholic party presented itself to the polls, a fact which the Pope had rendered possible by withdrawing the non-expedit. The Nationalists, who alone had the courage to attack the Socialists with vigour, captured all the five constituencies which they contested. Of the new members the very eloquent Sig. Raimondo (Reformist Socialist), and Sig. Federzoni (Nationalist), were real acquisi- tions for Parliament. A number of anti-Giolittians of all shades were elected, and Sicily for the first time returned several anti-Government members. The elections were accompanied by some serious disorders, for which both Sig. Giolitti and the Official Socialists were responsible.

A considerable sensation was caused soon after the elections by a statement made by Count Gentiloni, president of the "Unione elettorale cattolica," that 228 of the Constitutional members owed their election to Clerical support, obtained by undertaking to oppose all legislation hostile to Catholic interests. The anti-Clericals rose up in wrath, and many of the 228 in- dignantly denied having subscribed to the " potto Gentiloni." Parliament met on Nov. 27, and the Socialists renewed their attacks on the Cabinet, but there was reason to believe that they were by no means as hostile to Sig. Giolitti as they professed to be, and that, even w^iile giving utterance to virtuous indignation at his shortcomings, they were ever ready for a deal. The Cab- inet's African policy was voted by a large majority, and new

Strike Move- ments, 1913.

taxes, estimated to bring in 3 5 million lire, were imposed on to- bacco and alcohol.

The premier's position was now somewhat shaken. The elections had shown that the country was getting tired of the predominance of one man. Giolitti had ruled supreme, save for a few brief interludes, for 10 years. He now realized that the Albanian tangle, the need for fresh oioiitti. taxation, the divisions among his own supporters over the question of Catholic support, and the rumours of a threatened railway strike, were likely to cause considerable difficulties in the immediate future, and that a period of rest procul negotiis was desirable for his health. He therefore seized the occasion of a hostile vote of the Radical group to resign on March 10 1914. Sig. Bertolini, his chief henchman, having spoilt his chances by his mismanagement of the Colonial Office, Sig. Antonio Salandra, who had been Treasury Minister in the second Sonnino Cabinet, was induced, after protracted negotiations, to take office. He enlisted some of the best political' men in Italy San Giuliano (Foreign Affairs), Adml. Millo (Marine), Ferdinando Martini (Colonies), Dari (Justice), Ciuffelli (Public Works), Daneo (Education), Cavasola (Agriculture and Trade), Rubini (Treasury), Rava (Finance) and Riccio (Posts and Telegraphs). Gen. Spimgardi refused to remain at the War Office, and several other generals to whom the portfolio was offered would not accept it, as they could not obtain from the Treasury the amount necessary to reorganize the army and replenish the depots left empty after the Libyan War. Finally Gen. Grandi was appointed.

The first problem which the new Cabinet had to face was the truculent attitude of the Sindacato dei Ferrovieri, a nominally economic but in reality a revolutionary political organization of railwaymen. The Sindacato began by demanding a general rise of wages for the whole staff, threatening a strike in case of non-compliance. The Government recognized that the lowest categories were inadequately paid, and was ready to grant them an increase involving an outlay of 15 millions; but it could do no more, as the railways barely paid their working expenses. The railwaymen blustered and threatened, but ad- journed the strike to a more favourable opportunity.

On the national festival of the Statute (June 7) some anarch- ists, revolutionary Socialists and Republicans at Ancona organ- ized a demonstration to protest against the authorities for forbidding an anti-militarist meeting; riots ensued, and the police, overwhelmed by an armed mob of hooligans, fired on their assailants, killing two and wounding several. This was the signal for a general strike in Ancona which spread to other towns. There were no economic demands, the movement being of a purely revolutionary character, and it was so well organized as to prove the existence of an understanding between the various local groups. The soul of the movement at Ancona was the anarchist Enrico Malatesta, who had been condemned to a long term of imprisonment for murder years ago but had sub- sequently been amnestied, while in Romagna it was the work of the agricultural syndicates who had been conducting an active campaign at first to improve the conditions of day labourers, but subsequently to get possession of the private estates. The railwaymen at Bologna and some other towns struck, and for nearly a week Ancona, Rome, Florence, Naples, Bologna, Milan and many smaller towns, especially in the Marche, were under mob rule. Gangs of anarchists and thieves terrorized whole districts. A popular reaction, however, soon set in, and the Nationalists organized patriotic counter-demonstrations which cleared the streets of revolutionary elements in the large towns and caused the shops to reopen and the trams to operate. In the smaller centers of the Marche and Romagna, where there was an old tradition of faction fights, the agitation lasted some days longer, and in a few cases ridiculous mock republics were set up. But then large bodies of troops were sent into the rebellious districts and numbers of the leading agitators were arrested, order was restored without recourse to violent measures. The civil authorities had been .reduced to impotence, several public and private buildings and churches had been pillaged