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America Eaten the War. New Sinn Fein Policy.

The year 1917 was, indeed, an extremely critical one for the Union Government in Ireland, and saw the beginnings of that policy of alternate concession and repression which was to lead to the disastrous situation of 1920 and 1921. The entry of the United States into the war on the side of the Entente was, of course, a blow to the Sinn Feiners. They did not, however, give up the idea of securing separate representation for Ireland at the Peace Conference, and meanwhile they revived the plan of making " English " Government in the island impossible by an organized system of passive resistance to, and boycotting of, the authorities. To make this system a success, however, it was necessary to enlist the active sympathy of the mass of the agricultural population, and to this task they set themselves. The old motives of agrarian discontent were no longer available for political purposes; for owing to the rise in the value of prod- uce the small holders were enjoying an immense prosperity; it was only here and there that the police reported agrarian disturbances arising out of the agitation for the breaking up of the grazing lands. It was necessary to find other means of appealing to the Irish farmers and peasants, and these means were found in the possible effects upon Ireland of Great Britain's need for men, money and food to carry on the great struggle, which had reached its most critical stage with the beginning of the " ruthless " submarine war by Germany in Feb. of that year. The " anti-conscription " cry had already served its purpose. To this were now added appeals to the farmers on the ground that Ireland would be bled white by war-taxation and starved in order that the British might be fed.

Of these cries the most effective, next to " conscription," was the promise that independent Ireland would be relieved not only of war-taxation but also of the whole burden of the national debt, 1 and there can be no doubt that it largely contributed to the later victories of Sinn Fein at the polls. But more immediate and obvious in its effect was the agitation against the system of food-control which the submarine menace had made necessary. " The ' clutching hand ' is out to capture our food," was the cry; 2 the maximum meat prices would destroy the cattle trade; and the export of bacon and butter to England would lead to starvation in Ireland. All this had its effect. The Govern- ment, following the traditional policy of humouring Ireland, excluded her from the more drastic conditions of the food-control, and actually forbade the free export of bacon and butter to England. It is not too much to say that during the critical years of the war Ireland was not only more peaceful and pros- perous than she had ever been, but was the only peaceful and prosperous country in Europe.

But Sinn Fein, encouraged by the almost complete immunity of its press which even the censorship could only control within very narrow limits continued its preparations. The e ^ beginning of the year saw the launching of the

Plot. official Sinn Fein organization in the United States

(Jan. 1 8) under the auspices of the Friends of Irish Freedom, and a beginning was made of a vast propaganda, which was to flood the world with the most amazing myths about conditions in Ireland. The new point d'appui in America, however, was to be used for more than propaganda, and early in Feb. the Government learned that the Germans had planned to land another huge consignment of arms and ammunition on the coast of Galway between the 2ist and 25th of the month.

1 " Ireland repudiates financial responsibility for the payment of interest on England's war loan and proposes to back her repudia- tion with all the forces at her command. (Mr. Arthur Griffith, in Nationality, Feb. 24 1917.)

" The club formed at Castlemahon, Newcastle-west, is urging the local farmers to consider the present taxation, and the trend of future taxation. Other districts, please copy this headline." (Na- tionality, June 9 1917.)

" Ireland will be bled of all her resources, and a terrible emigra- tion will ensue, if she continues bound to England. If she establishes her freedom, she will be the only nation in Europe free of a national debt." Mr. Darrell Figgis at Ennis, July 41917 (Irish Times, July 5).


 * Nationality, Aug. 4 1917.

Slaa Fein and the Nation- alist Party.

" Adequate arrangements were made, and the consignments did not reach Ireland "; but it was clear that Sinn Fein, through its agents in America, was still in touch with Berlin and still hoped for a German victory. It was this hope which inspired the Sinn Fein executive with the idea of drawing up a statement of " Ireland's Case for a Peace Conference," claiming sovereign independence, and demanding from the Powers to be assembled that " that sovereignty be now recognized and established under their security." 3 In Germany the " Case" had a sym- pathetic reception, and shortly after the American declaration of war (April 4) a " German-Irish Society " was founded in Berlin by Prof. Kuno Meyer, acting in concert with St. John Gaffney, a former American consul, and Dr. George Chatterton- Hill, " a soi-disant Irishman, born in Madras, educated at Geneva, and resident for many years in Germany." 4 Its organ, Irische Blatter, held out the prospect to Ireland of being made self-reliant " by the employment of efficient German education, industrial organization and military training."

The Irish Nationalist party viewed with alarm the growing influence of Sinn Fein, whose organs presently increased by a new batch of weeklies, The Leader, Irish Opinion, The Irish Nation and The Phoenix poured derision and abuse upon Mr. Redmond and his followers. Mr. John Dillon took the lead in the effort to counter this campaign. He declared publicly that he had never stood on a recruiting platform and never would. In response to his pressure, Mr. Duke announced on Dec. 22 1916 that the 600 rebel prisoners interned in Wales were to be unconditionally released. But in vain did the Nationalist organ, the Freeman's Journal, try to make capital out of this for the Parliamentary party; the Sinn Fein papers scoffed at its claims to have effected anything; it was fear, and fear alone, which had dictated the action of the Government ; " one direct appeal to America by the Dublin Corporation effected more than all the ' blethers ' at Westminster." 6

The release of the interned rebels was greeted by the Sinn Fein as a triumph; and on Feb. 5 it gained its first victory at the polls by the return of Count George Plunkett, father of one of the executed leaders of the Easter re- bellion, for North Roscommon. 6 The discovery of the German plan to land arms followed; the Govern- ment decided to take vigorous measures; and 28 Sinn Fein agitators, all of them implicated in the late rebellion, were arrested on the 23rd and deported by order of Sir Brian Mahon under the Defence of the Realm Regulations. The Nationalist party now took a further step in the direction of Sinn Fein, Mr. Dillon moving the adjournment of the House of Commons on the 26th as a protest against the deportation of men without trial. On March 7 Mr. T. P. O'Connor, member for the Scot- land division of Liverpool, moved a resolution in favour of the immediate bestowal upon Ireland of " the free institutions long promised her," and in the course of the debate that followed Mr. Lloyd George, who had succeeded Mr. Asquith as Prime Minister on Dec. 5 1916, defined the principle on which the Government was prepared to act. The Government, he said, was willing to give Home Rule at once to any part of Ireland which desired it, but could not take any action to force Home Rule on the portion of Ireland to which it was repugnant. He suggested that the details of a settlement on this basis might be arranged either by a conference of Irishmen or by a commis- sion, and ended by moving an amendment welcoming any settle- ment that did not involve the coercion of any part of Ireland. This was met by a violent protest by Mr. Redmond, in the name of the Nationalist party, who said that he would enter into no more negotiations, that the Government was playing into the hands of Sinn Fein, and that

Fein headquarters in Dublin on May 18 1918.
 * Copies of this " Case " were seized by the police at the Sinn

4 See Doc. rel. to the Sinn Fein Movement (Cmd. 1108), Appendix C ' New Ireland, quoted in Notes from Ireland, No. I, vol. 26, p. 2. The figures were Plunkett (S. F.) 1,708; Tully (Nat.) 687.

Roscom-

moa

Election.

Mr. Lloyd George on an Irish Settle- ment.

Nationalist Protest.