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same day the German ships at Shanghai and Amoy were seized by the Chinese authorities, and on the 2$th the German minister and his staff left Peking.

The premier and his supporters were now anxious to carry their policy to its logical conclusion and to secure the benefits of complete identification with the cause of the Allies, by declaring war against the Central Powers. A conference of military gover- nors convened by the premier at Peking on April 26 voted de- cisively for war; a few days later the Cabinet adopted a unanimous resolution to the same effect. But once again the national aspect of the question became submerged in a welter of factional in- trigues. The President's party, consisting of a number of Kuo Min-tang parliamentarians, who professed to see in the attitude of the military governors a menace to parliamentary govern- ment, and of others alarmed by the increasing rumours of secret agreements between Tuan Chi-jui's party and the Japanese Government, constituted an opposition sufficient to prevent the Cabinet from carrying its resolution into effect. Among the literati and disinterested patriotic men there undoubtedly existed a genuine difference of opinion as to the advisability of committing the nation definitely to a policy of hostility to Germany, a dif- ference which was reflected in the conflicting advice publicly given by scholars like Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Kang Yu-wei. But so far as Parliament was concerned, the question resolved itself into a sordid struggle for power between Tuan Chi-jui, backed by the northern Tuchuns, and his political opponents. At a secret session of the Lower House of Parliament on May 10, it was apparent that the question of war with Germany had be- come subordinate to that of a combined attack upon Tuan Chi- jui. On May 19 a resolution was adopted to the effect that the House would decline further to consider the question until the Cabinet had been reconstructed. As Tuan's colleagues with one exception had resigned at the first sign of serious trouble, the resolution amounted to a demand for the premier's resignation. Tuan, however, held his ground stoutly and countered the Kuo Min-tang move by a communication from the military governors to the President demanding the immediate dissolution of Parlia- ment, and by the announcement of their intention not to leave the capital until this had been done. Thus challenged, the President issued a mandate (May 23) dismissing the premier and appointing the septuagenarian Wu Ting-fang in his place. Tuan, following the course usual on such occasions, fled from the capital and, taking refuge with the military party's leaders at Tientsin, announced his intention of defying the President's authority. The military governors of several provinces north of the Yangtsze thereupon proceeded to declare their independ- ence of the central Government whilst the Kuo Min-tang leaders, hurriedly leaving the capital for the South, announced their intention of taking up arms in defence of Parliament and the people's liberties. It is typical of the chaotic condition of Chi- nese affairs that at this juncture Gen. Feng Kuo-chang, the Vice- President, while tendering his resignation, announced that the lower Yangtsze region would remain " neutral."

The struggle thus begun lasted for three months and post- poned China's declaration of war against Germany until the middle of August. As it proceeded, it became more and more apparent that the contending factions were not really concerned with any question of political principles, but fighting only for place and power. At the beginning of June, the military gover- nors established a " Provisional Government " of their own at Tientsin with the aged ex-viceroy, Hsu Shih-chang (later Presi- dent of the republic), cast for the dummy role of president-dicta- tor. At the same time they warned Li Yuan-hung that if he de- sired to remain President, he must submit to their wishes and dissolve Parliament; to enforce their demands they proceeded to mass troops in the vicinity of the capital. Li Yuan-hung sought to gain time by summoning to his aid as " mediator " Gen. Chang Hsiin, the famous swashbuckler chieftain of Shan- tung fame. Gen. Chang promptly came north with a " body- guard " of several thousand troops, and arrived at Peking on June 12; but the value of his mediation was discounted in ad- vance by the announcement that he would insist upon the dis-

missal of Parliament, and by rumours of his intention to restore the Manchu dynasty. On June 13 Li Yuan-hung yielded, and Parliament was dissolved by presidential mandate.

The question of joining with the Allies against Germany was now relegated by common consent to the background and all attention concentrated on the struggle of personal ambitions at Peking. Tuan Chi-jui, with his Tuchun supporters, was still in watchful waiting at Tientsin. Parliament had elected a new Premier (Li Ching-hsi) but the attitude of the military party made it an uncomfortable post to fill and he had cautiously declined to assume office. Many of the Kuo Min-tang politi- cians had fled to Shanghai and Canton and, with the support of the navy, were once more preparing to take the field against Peking. Under these conditions the danger of internal dis- sensions on a wide scale without definite purpose was unmistak- ably more serious than at any time since the overthrow of the Manchus. Regarding the matter in this light, the United States addressed a note to the Chinese Government (June 6) deploring the prospect of civil war and intimating that the restoration of national unity was a matter of more immediate importance to China than the declaration of war against the Central Powers. This advice, though morally sound, was politically unfortunate, inasmuch as it was construed and proclaimed by the Kuo Min- tang as an intimation that the U.S. Government was opposed to the policy of Tuan Chi-jui and his military supporters; it therefore resulted in stiffening Young China and the Cantonese Radicals in their uncompromising hostility to the central Govern- ment. It was common knowledge that Tuan Chi-jui had framed and pursued his policy in close touch with Japan, and that he relied upon that country for financial support; it was only natural therefore that Young China should look to the United States not only to deliver them from the militarist and monarchist party, but to protect the Chinese republic from Japan.

General Chang Hsiin, as the central figure on the Peking stage, soon showed that he had no intention of attempting to bring about a reconciliation between President and premier. His proceedings were so obviously inspired by his own overween- ing ambitions that it was not long before signs of dissension manifested themselves between him and his colleagues of the military party. When his policy became fully revealed by a coup de main (July i) which withdrew the young Emperor from his retirement and proclaimed the restoration of the Dragon Throne, the chief cause of the opposition which his action prompt- ly evoked from Tuan Chi-jui and the Peiyang military chiefs lay in the fact that he proposed to appoint himself regent and viceroy of Chihli. Few, if any, of those who now denounced Chang Hsiin as a traitor to the republic and took the field against him, were in reality opposed to the monarchy (most of them were, in fact, solemnly pledged to support the restoration) ; but they could not brook the assumption of supreme authority by one who had stolen a march upon them and taken advantage of their divided counsels. Tuan Chi-jui, in particular, was known to be in favour of the monarchy, but only on condition that he himself became viceroy of Chihli and the power behind the throne. Emerging therefore from his retirement at Tientsin, he led his army to the capital to defend the republic. After a few days of desultory and half-hearted fighting, Chang Hsiin capitulated (July 12) and the young Emperor was consigned once more, with all due respect, to the tranquil dignity of his court without a kingdom. Chang Hsiin's troops were permitted to retire, with the honours of war and three months' pay; their leader, who had found a temporary refuge in the Dutch legation, was left unmolested.

In " vindicating the Republic," Gen. Tuan had received the active support of the Vice-President, Gen. Feng Kuo-chang, commanding the army at Nanking. After the capitulation of Chang Hsiin, Tuan resumed the premiership, with powers that were practically those of a dictator, so that the position of Li Yuan-hung as President became impossible. From the Japanese legation, whither he had fled for safety upon the proclamation of the monarchy, he announced his intention of retiring into pri- vate life. On July 18 he was succeeded in the presidency by